In the fourth of the five personal stories of half widows, Raqib Hameed Naik narrates the story of Dilshada Begum.

Zakura (Srinagar): On June 16, 1992, Bashir Ahmad Sheikh, then 40, started his day early. For the past three days, Sheikh, who used to paint vehicles and billboards to make a living, had kept his shop closed due to Eid-al-Adha celebrations. As he stepped into his shop in Sheikh Mohallah, Rakhi Zakura, located on the outskirts of Srinagar, only to find that the paint stock was insufficient for painting vehicles which had been due later in the day.

He went home to inform his wife Dilshada Begum, now 55, that he was visiting Lal Chowk, located in the heart of Srinagar, to purchase the paint boxes. It turned out to be the last time Dilshada saw her husband.

As Sheikh reached Lal Chowk, an Army crackdown, which was a frequent event during those days, was already in place due to a firing incident which happened in the Maisuma area of the city on the same day. He was there merely to buy paint, but in 90s Kashmir, intentions had no impact on the outcome and Sheikh’s family had little idea of what was to follow.

For the next three days, Sheikh did not return home. Worried, Dilshada went to Lal Chowk to look for him, only to be told that he had indeed visited Lal Chowk, and last seen in crackdown, but there were no details thereafter: had he vanished in thin air? The answer, his family claims, was pretty clear: a married man with a family to take care of would not have run away for any reason: they were pretty sure that he was picked up by Army from the crackdown. The question was where was he now?

After a hectic search of six days, Dilshada approached the Zakura police station to file a missing complaint, and the officials promised to start an extensive search for him. She also approached local newspapers to publish her husband’s photo so as to inform the general public of a missing person; hoping someone might provide her information. All this proved to be futile, as no one came forward with any conclusive details.

Extending her search, she even went to Jammu where they used to visit in winters to escape the sharp decline in temperature in the Valley. “When my search bore no fruits in the Valley, I thought he might have gone to Jammu to purchase the paint boxes. But even after extensively searching every nook and corner of Jammu, he remained untraceable,” recalls Dilshada.

Dispirited, she came back and went to various police stations and army camps in valley, but there was no word about his presence in any of the security establishments.

With the bread winner of the family missing, Dilshada, despite suffering from various ailments, decided to work so as to feed her three sons.

In last 24 years, she toiled hard by working as a tailor and maid. “When my husband went missing, my elder son was nine years old and the other two were much younger. With no one around to help us financially, I decided to work despite my failing health. Those years were very difficult for me,” she says.

The disappearance of Sheikh had a detrimental effect on her second son, Reyaz Ahmed, who had been close to his father. After Sheikh’s disappearance, Reyaz suffered from Post-Traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and in year 2011, he died after being mowed down by a vehicle in Batamaloo area of Srinagar at the age of 24. Dilshada came to know about his death after 12 days from a photograph of her deceased son published in a local newspaper by police officials.

“That incident was catastrophic and broke me down completely. I couldn’t have glimpse of his face for last time. He was buried as an unknown person in the Parimpora graveyard. Now, I have to face two sorrows, the missing of my husband and the death of my son. This is what conflict does to families in Kashmir,” says Dilshada as she broke down in tears.

The eldest son, Altaf Ahmad Sheikh, had to drop out of primary school after his father’s disappearance and went on to work as a painter so as to save his mother and brothers from abject poverty. Now, the 34-year-old is working as a driver. “We all were very close to our father. His disappearance has left a deep void in our lives which can never be filled,” says Altaf.

The fate of the youngest son, Imtiaz Ahmed, was no different. He too had to drop out of primary school to help his elder brother in his work. Ahmed, 27, is now working as a cab driver plying on Jammu-Srinagar route.

“Now, I am little relieved that both of my sons earn. It may not be much, but it is good enough to feed the extended family as both of them are married,” Dilshada explains.

Some years back, Dilshada suffered a serious heart attack which had left her bed-ridden for months. Every month, her medication costs Rs 3,000, which at times becomes difficult for her sons to arrange, especially during the lean seasons of the transport business. But the co-founder of Association of Parents of disappeared persons (APDP), Parveen Ahangar comes to their rescue. “She sends me medicines every month. She has been helping me since for many years,” says Dilshada.

In early 2000, her husband’s case was screened under Statutory Regulatory Order (SRO) 43 notified by J&K government in 1994 by district screening cum coordination committees (DSCCC) which were constituted at district level for the purpose of granting ex gratia relief in the favor of victim families. The process starts after seven years from the date filing of first report of missing the person, and the victim is presumed dead.

She received an ex gratia relief of Rs 1 lakh and assurance from the government that one of her son would be employed as a class IV employee, which is yet to materialise. The amount has to be refunded back if the victim turns out to be alive.

“Twenty three years have passed since, and even the government says that he is dead. But how can my eyes believe it when I haven’t seen his mortal remains? If the government is saying that he is dead, then possibly there is a grave. But where?” asks Dilshada.

Like all other women whose narratives were narrated in Part One, Two and Three , she too travels every month to Partap Park in Srinagar city to participate in monthly sit-in along with other half-widows and relatives of missing persons. Even though her health condition has worsened over time, the 22-km journey is a ritual she does not plan on letting go.

“I have been participating in monthly sit-in since last two decades and I will continue to take part until I get my answers about my missing husband from the governments and the perpetrator forces,” Dilshada adds.

Read Part-I here:Armed with a pictures that tell a thousand words: The protestors of Pratap Park

Read Part-II here:The half widows of Kashmir: A story of endless wait and hardships

Watch Short Film here:Half Widows of Kashmir

Read Part-III here:Married at 17, ‘Half widowed’ at 18: Safiya Azad continues to wait even after 23 years

Read Part-III (2) here:19 years and counting: the tale of Naseema Begum’s wait for her missing husband

Read Part-III (3) here:Half-widowed at 23, Rafiqa Mushtaq fights government, in-laws to ensure property rights for her children

By Zaidul Haque, Twocircles.net

Kolkata: Muslims constitute a much larger proportion of the poor and the deprived in West Bengal, Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen said while releasing a report on the status of Muslims in the state.

The report, titled ‘Living reality of Muslims in West Bengal’, shows that about 80% of the Muslim households in rural West Bengal report their household income as Rs 5,000 or less per month, which is close to the cut-off level of income for poverty line for a family of five. What is even more striking, according to the report, is that 38.3% Muslim households in rural West Bengal earn Rs 2,500 or less per month, which is one-half of the cut-off level of income for the population below the poverty line. More worryingly, only 3.8% households reported to earn Rs 15,000 and above per month.

Sen, who could not speak due to health conditions, said in a written statement, “The report is directly concerned with a huge proportion of the population of the West Bengal, about a quarter of which is Muslim. That, of course, is not a new finding. What is remarkable is the fact that Muslims constitute a much larger proportion of the poor and the deprived in West Bengal. The fact that Muslims in West Bengal are disproportionately poorer and more deprived in terms living condition in an empirical recognition, gives this report an inescapable immediacy and practical urgency.”

Although the Trinamool Congress has claimed that Muslims have benefited under its rule in the state, the report, released by the Social Network of Assistance to People, a West-Bengal based association, in collaboration with Pratichi Institute of Sen and Guidance Guild, proves otherwise.

The survey was carried out in 325 villages and 75 urban wards from a sample of 81 community development blocks and 30 municipal bodies, over a period of four years. The report, which focuses on six important indicators—Demography, Health, Gender Discrimination, Literacy and Education, and Amenities, Citizenship Status and Cultural Practices—shows that Muslims lag behind on almost all important markers that show social progress.

For example, at 68.3%, the literacy rate among the Muslims in rural West Bengal is about four percentage points lower than that for general population as per Census 2011. The rural urban gap in literacy is almost the same as found from the census data. Interestingly, the gender gaps in literacy among Muslims in both rural and urban areas are narrower compared to the general population. In terms of the percentages of the population that has completed certain levels of education, Muslims in West Bengal lag behind others, which were revealed by comparisons between the primary survey and the Census 2011 figures: among literate Muslims, only 2.7% hold a graduate degree or above.

The survey data show that overall enrolment ratio for Muslim children of age 6-14 is 85.5% and the girls are marginally ahead of boys (86.4 vis-a-vis 84.6). About 15% Muslim children age 6-14 years are found to be out of school. While 9.1% were never enrolled, 5.4% dropped out. Financial problems emerged as the major factor for not being able to go to school (42.5% boys and 40.4% girls).

The distance to school comes next. Some complained about the lack of infrastructural facility in school. Interestingly, around five percent of those who discontinued education admitted lack of motivation as the factor behind dropping out of school, as they did not see any future benefit from education. On an average 10.6 Secondary and Higher Secondary schools exist for one lakh population in the state. However, it is much lower in Uttar Dinajpur (6.2), Murshidabad (7.2) and Malda (8.5), the three districts where Muslims constitute very high percentage of the population, the report said.

Analysing the employment scenario, the report said that the work participation rate for rural Muslims in West Bengal, which is defined here as the percentage of population belonging to the working age group 15-65 years who are actually working, is about 45, which means that 55% of the population in the working age group are not working.

“Does it mean that they are unemployed? Not necessarily. While some of them are unemployed, some of them are not in the labour force. The latter group includes those who are attending educational institutions. this may not necessarily imply that 55% of Muslims are unemployed, “the overall low work participation rate among the Muslims is due to very low work participation among the women. Only 8.9 per cent of the Muslim women in the working age were found to be working,” the report added.

Sen added that while we have had some understanding of this lace from earlier studies, particularly the Sachar Report, but they have been based — and this applies to the Sachar Report itself— on secondary information, available from unrelated investigations, aimed at other problems and often based on routine data collection. “This report fills a major gap — at least begins meeting the gap — in poverty information related to Muslims,” he said.

Regarding the health condition of Muslims, the report added that Bengal has on average 1.8 hospitals per lakh population in the blocks. Underage marriage among Muslims in West Bengal seems to be par with the general population. Data from the present household survey shows that Muslims’ access to tap-water is nearly 40% less (15.2%) of the overall population (Census-2011, 25.4%), which in a way displays a combined community and class exclusion.

The report shows that nearly 13.2% Muslim adults do not hold voter cards. The provision of drainage system for the Muslim households (12.2 %) is nearly one-third of overall provision in the state (31.6%). The report also quoted NFHS-3 data to show that the preference for at least one son (82.1%) and at least one daughter (79%) among the Muslims, which is much higher than that for the Hindus (74.2% and 68.7%), indicates a relatively less glaring bias against girl children among the Muslims.

The report also says that the use of traditional fuels for cooking is much higher among the Muslims (85.9%) as compared to the average population of the state (68.6%). Absence of free and fair regulation process of LPG fuels may have denied legitimate access of LPG cylinders to many Muslim families and also the cost of LPG plays a debilitating role for the poor Muslims in the state.

Photo: Sandip Saha

By TCN News,

Darul Musannefin Shibli Academy, Azamgarh, on Sunday rejected a donation of Rs 5 lakh from the UP government, saying the institution was deeply hurt and dismayed with the paltry amount.

The institute, which is one of the foremost centres of Islamic learning, said in a release that except for a grant of Rs 60,000 received in 1952 through the efforts of Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Azad, it has rarely received any aid from any government. “It was therefore, heartening when (UP) Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav declared in a rally at Azamgarh that the needs of the Shibli Academy will be taken care of. We were asked by his office more than once to furnish proposals for the future plans of the Academy.”

The Academy sent a proposal of Rs 20 crore for creation of the necessary infrastructure, construction of a well-equipped library, administrative block and creation of a corpus, confident that its needs will be considered by the state government. “But we were deeply hurt and dismayed when a grant of Rs 5 lakh was announced in the recent Budget for this heritage institute of national importance. We are at a loss to understand the rationale and the criterion that was used to determine our needs and amount of the grant,” the press release said.

“It will not be possible to accept this grant as it neither in consonance with the great services and achievements of the Institution nor commensurate with its needs,” the release added.

By Raqib Hameed Naik, Twocircles.net

Srinagar: The Wular Lake in Bandipora district of Kashmir has often played second-fiddle to the more famous Dal Lake in Srinagar when it comes to popularity among tourists. However, the Wular Lake, one of Asia’s largest fresh water lakes, plays an extremely important role in the Valley’s ecology. For Jalal-ud-din Baba, a Kashmir-based documentary maker, the survival of this Lake formed the theme of his documentary ‘Saving the Saviour’, which won two awards at the sixth National Science Film Festival & Competition-2016 (NSFF), organised by Vigyan Prasar, Ministry of Science & Technology, Government of India held in Mumbai.

Three years ago, however, Baba stood alone, camera in hand, thinking the scale of the project he had undertaken. Money was tight, he had to do everything on his own, and he wanted to show the human side of conservation, even when such an effort is made because there are no alternatives.

So, he decided to tell the story of Billa, a 15-year-old local boy who had lost his father at the age of 9, and had been scavenging the Lake for plastic, trash and other items that could be sold at the local scrap yard. Baba explains why he picked Billa, who was then around 11 years old, for the role of the protagonist. “He was collecting trash, but that was his unique way of trying to undo the damage caused to the lake. His contribution was important, yet it was the kind of job that is rarely discussed when we talk of conservation. So, I wanted to highlight that,” says Baba.

The movie, which won the award for the best documentary film carrying a trophy, certificate and cash prize of Rs 1 lakh and the Jury award for the best film direction award carrying trophy, certificate and cash prize of twenty thousand rupee, was completed just a few days before the final submission date for the awards.

During the period that it took to complete the 42-minute documentary, Baba had to endure a number of hardships: some, he managed to fight. In order to arrange the Rs 3 lakh that it would cost him to make the documentary; he had to take loans against his LIC policies to ensure the finances. Other hardships, he could do little about. The September floods of 2014 were one such moment in time, when the documentary had to take a backseat. But for the eye of a director, this was another chance to make something that was equally powerful: so he made Shrouded Paradise, a documentary on the Kashmir floods.

But as Baba narrates, the floods were a far worse catastrophe for Billa. His village was 10 feet under water, and all the trash that he used to collect had been washed away. He had been left with nothing to do in order to support his mother and two younger sisters. “He and his family took refuge in the boat of a neighbor, who was kind enough to let them use it.

Fareeda a local lady narrated the misery to Baba. “Wular has thrown back its curses and misery on human face. This is what man has always been doing to Wular. Man is never able to face the glaring and stark reality that nature’s fury brings. We hardly learn anything from such disasters,” she said.

Baba believes that Billa and Wular are synonyms to each other and both live on the nature’s mercy. Now that the floods are over, and Wular is gasping for breath again, Billa seems to be the only one who understands his and Wular’s collective desperation and pain.

The awards, which saw ‘Saving the Saviour’ selected among 45 other submissions, have given the perfect encouragement to Baba to up the ante on saving the Wular. He is now planning to set up an NGO to ensure that Wular Lake, which is a world heritage wetland site under the Ramsar Convention charter of UNESCO, is saved from the same fate as Dal Lake.

Talking about showcasing his work, Baba said, "I will release the documentary in Kashmir as well as on Youtube in some time. Besides, it will be telecast on Rajya Ssaba TV, DD National most probably in the first week of March,” he added.

Future projects

Apart from working towards setting up an NGO, Baba also received encouraging news on Tuesday. His new project, calling Pashtuns beyond the Taliban, is a documentary that will chart the history of Pashtuns who have settled in Kashmir and Pakistan and he came to know that the Films Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, had accepted his proposal. “I have done some basic research and made a trailer/promo, which deeply impressed Mike Pandey, India’s Iconic wildlife conservationist and environmentalist/filmmaker, who also inaugurated the Festival at Mumbai,” said Baba.

He is looking to complete the project by the end of this year. For the time being, though, he is happy that his efforts to save the Wular, and tell the story of Billa, have received some recognition.

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat, TCN

Those of us who witnessed what happened when the goons demolished Babari Masjid in 1992 and later assaulted journalists covering the incident can vouch that it is almost after 25 years that we are witnessing the same kind of situation in India. We have not forgotten how the Bharatiya Janata Party and its leaders proclaimed proudly that they demolished the Babari Mosque and then chief minister of Uttar Pradesh Kalyan Singh wanted to use the situation for his own political growth when he claimed that,’ he is ready to go the jail for contempt of the court as his bigger court is ”lord Rama’s court’ and we know how he went to ‘jail’ proudly with slogan shouting supporters.

There are many in their ‘respected’ team who still believe India to be governed by Manusmriti laws where the Dalits, aadivasis and women do not have any fundamental rights and whatever the Brahmin say become rule of law.

It is well known fact that media build the frenzy and today when electronic media has reached in our bed rooms such frenzy seems to be planned strategy of the Sangh Parivar and its allies who control our media. Each incident that is happening and where they are uncomfortable is being blown out of proportion and then screaming anchors are turning into a public debate. Problem with this is that governance is lost some where and we are back to Hindu-Muslim debate which is the favorite of the BJP and its hardliners.

The things that unfolded in Patiala house yesterday brought back the memories of Ayodhya 1992 when journalists reporting there were beaten up and abused. The shout of Jai Shree Ram became the test of nationalism. If you don’t think Ram as your ancestor or God then you are a Haramzaada, was the favorite quote during those hey days. Today, they have understood that one slogan will not work as due to their inability to carry masses with them they are using the media to whip up passion and change the political discourse.

None of us who are in public life need to swear by nationalism in symbols. A nation is much bigger than mere ‘jumlas’. If follow our constitution and its preamble and are following our constitutional duties as citizens of the country, we are nationalists. India will have to define that street goons just because they are carrying tri-color in their hand become ‘nationalists’ and got right to lynch any one who they think disagree with them. Such goons must be identified and brought to justice. Threats, intimidation and physical assault must be condemned at all level and the state must protect the citizens.

A lot of time the issues come before us as why despite a great constitution we still have violence against the marginalized, Women are burnt due to dowry, untouchability is practiced not just in the villages but also in cities, manual scavenging is still prevalent and Dalit face caste discrimination in the so called modern universities. Why is that AAdivasis are still isolated, people are dying of hunger and there is unrest in various parts of the country. You cannot crush people’s voices for justice in the name of bogey of nationalism every time there is an unrest in the country or society. Failing in responding to the issues concerning the people, we try to bully them through counter political agenda.

What happened at the Patiala House court yesterday brought disgrace to the country. It was nothing but fear of those who swear in the name of constitution, to provide justice, that the case against Kanhaiya might not sustain in the courts. Lawyers are the protectors of law and need to abide by the law. We know well that constitution provide opportunity to defend them at all level. An accused does not become convict just because Arnab Goswami , Delhi Police or RSS want like that without giving him a chance t defend himself. An incident has happened in the University and all it needed was an investigation by the local teachers or their committee and if recommend to the authorities if a criminal case was to be filed. Instead, we see that not only the police intimidated students by entering inside the campus but political masters mobilise people outside to discredit an entire institution terming it as anti national.

We all know that these street hooliganism wrapped in slogan shouting ‘nationalist’ slogans is an to promote the idea of lynch mob and Talibani justice where you can kill a person at your whims just because he or she did not follow your diktats. If trial takes place in the media houses and public places can we expect justice. If we allow free to all kind of situation can we expect that this country will move forward in the right direction. Believe me our condition then will be worst than Taliban as we will find hundreds of such cases daily at every village if mobs are allowed to provide justice. Can we save our children from becoming criminal once such practices are widely ‘accepted’ as norms.

What is this fear when you have your own government and its machinery? A fairly large number of TV channels are following the government diktats and promoting ruling party’s agenda shamelessly rather than reporting news. Kanhaiyya Kumar is an accused under sedition law and was being produced in the court. The channels have already declared him convict along with other RSS organisations but the courts, as long as we have a democratic set up will have to look into entire sequence and constitutionality.

Every law abiding citizen and political party should have understood that the first days incident brought shame to India that we don’t allow judiciary to function independently. The Supreme Court had issued clear guidelines and restricted entry in the court rooms and yet when Kanhaiyya was being produced the same bunch of goons appeared to attack him shouting Vande Mataram. Was this an attempt to polarize the law fraternity and intimidate judiciary? My opinion is yes, because they had realized the writings on the wall and now want to convert it into a massive political battle to be used in various states which go to poll in the coming months as much to the future of this government lies with the outcome of Assam, West Bengal, Tamilnadu and finally Uttar Pradesh where things are not easier for the saffron party.

It was unprecedented situation when the Supreme Court had to send five senior most lawyers to the Patiala House to look into the emerging condition there with agitating lawyers and security of the accused and those accompanying him. In every profession people respect their seniors even when they might belong to diverse ideological background but what we saw in Patiala House courts was absolute goondagardi and lumpenism which only the Sangh Parivar elements and their mouthorgans in the media can know justify through counter attack and distorting the information. No person having faith in democracy and independence of judiciary can justify it. Eminent lawyer Rajiv Dhawan said he was abused in the worst possible way along with others. The Committee reported that they would have been lynched if there was no police protection that time. Abusing and intimidating to those who have been appointed by the highest court of land to oversee a crisis is itself anti national and against the spirit of the constitution. It is requested to Supreme Court, local courts and bar council to not only cancel their license to practice but also prosecute them for dishonoring the constitution.

I have mentioned many time that those who are giving certificate of ‘nationalism’ and ‘patriotism’ to all of us actually never had faith in the Constitution of India framed by Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar. They might hate Saudi Arabia, Taliban or Pakistan for political purposes but in the heart of their heart they want India to be turned like that. Their role model remain Sharia laws or kangaroo courts operated there where all the dissenters are accused and they have no right to defend them. Accused are publically lynched and lashed to ‘protect’ Islam and the laws in the name of Islam. India’s Hindu right wing aspire an India of the same variety where their lynch mob pronounce verdict at the streets or at the Timesnow, Zee News, India TV and other TV channels heavily supported by the Sangh supporting capitalists. They have no time to discuss the issues of common people, the atrocities on the poor people, forest dweller and women. Rather they are sitting there to find gaps in the protest movements and justify the misdeeds of their masters. They have brought shame to entire profession of media and forgotten their professional duties and insulted humanity. Despite our differences, we still respect many of the friends who have reported against prejudices in deeply disgusting and difficult situations.

Political and ideological differences are bound to happen in a democratic society but what is happening here in India is an attempt to bulldoze the political opponents and paint each one of them as ‘anti national’. While we refuse to respond these ‘nationalists’ whose sole aim is to protect their brahmanical status quo which is fast losing ground and slipping. Therefore, they are making all efforts to destroy institutions of judiciary, media and academia which secular polity (with all differences and weaknesses) have been able to built up over the years. This will be the biggest challenge how to bring back democracy and sanity in these institutions.

As Supreme Court hear the petitions and probably must be worried about the situation prevailing in the country today, it is time they give unambiguous and blunt signals to those in power to protect the independence of judiciary. If the lawyers or those who claim to believe in constitutionalism truly believe in it, it is time for them to decide whether they believe in mob justice or due process of law. If they believe that our courts are unable to provide justice and therefore they need to provide justice in the street then all of them must voluntarily leave their profession. If they don’t do so the Bar Association and Supreme Court must act to save their profession from further degradation.

There is nothing new in the entire episode as Sangh double speak is well known. They will justify the act through using various contradictions and playing other stories in the media through their ‘devotees’ there. Prime Minister talked of constitution and we know well who formed a commission to ‘change the constitution’ in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee regime and thanks to the Supreme Court which clearly said that basic structure of the constitution can not be amended.

A few things emerged from the incident at Patiala House yesterday. One that the politicians masquerading as lawyers wanted to create such a scenario in the court absolutely like Babari Masjid demolition to politically use it and create absolute frenzy in the country. It is serious and the court must come out clearly on the same. The lawyers who did it are well known and need to be arrested and debarred from practicing as the credibility and strength of judiciary is at stake at the moment. Whether a police commissioner will follow the orders of the Supreme Court or just ignore it follow the diktats of his political masters.

Second, Supreme Court must provide clearcut guidelines to electronic media. We can not ignore the fact that heavily paid media has launched a vilification campaign on the entire issue. Can the media pronounce some one criminal before the things come before the court? Is not it an attempt to influence judiciary?

Third, Supreme Court must ask the lower courts and high courts to do away with frivolous petitions against individuals in the name of nationalism just to intimidate people. The Hindutva politics is clearly multifold to intimidate people from street to the courts. It is time courts particularly at the lower level must be instructed clearly to verify the locus standi of a person to file such frivolous petitions.

The nation is looking to the Supreme Court today for its instructions will have far reaching impact on our polity and judiciary as well. We hope it will not disappoint all those who have faith in the rule of law and our republican democratic secular constitution. For the people, it is time to protect these values and be alert from the forces who want to subvert the constitution and create absolute anarchy in the country.

By Raqib Hameed Naik, TwoCircles.net

The name of Aamir Edresy may not ring a number of bells in the social circles of India, but he is nevertheless making a difference. He can be summed up as a software engineer by qualification, a businessman by profession and a social activist by passion, currently heading the Association of Muslim Professionals.

Edresy, the eldest of six siblings, was born in 1981 in a middle class family in Mumbai and after finishing his schooling he went to Pune University to complete his Computer Engineering in 2002.

Having studied in an Urdu-medium school and grown up in Mumbai, Edresy was familiar with the condition of Muslims in India. Consequently, after he finished college, he decided to do his bit in helping the Muslim community and other underprivileged classes of conscientious individuals who will significantly contribute to the development of the Nation.

Pitching together his dreams, in 2008, he started an online community of Muslim professionals. However, as a software engineer, his resources were limited and he had to take the help of social media (Orkut) to set up the Association of Muslim Professionals. However, the commitment of Edresy soon bore fruit, as the online community grew from a few members initially to dozens and such was the enthusiasm of the online community members that in 2008, they decided to call the first meeting of the group.

“Back in 2008, I didn’t know anyone in the social circles of Mumbai. I didn’t even know where to book a meeting hall for a meeting. So I organised that meeting on the terrace of my house in Buyculla area of south Mumbai,” says Edresy.

The first meeting of the online community of Muslim professionals left profound influence on them to do something for the community.

“We started in 2008 after our first meeting by organising awareness drives in schools and colleges about government schemes on education. We started a book donation drive, in which AMP members donated their old books which were distributed among poor and deserving students,” recalls Edresy. “Later, we started giving skill development lectures besides sharing job opportunities among the under privileged,” he adds.

Realising that AMP had a lot of potential, it was formally registered in 2011 under Societies Registration Act 1860, Maharashtra, Mumbai with Aamir Edresy as a president.

“Initially, I worked as a lecturer at the M. H. Saboo Siddik College of Engineering. Later on I worked as a software engineer in a company. But after registering AMP, I found it hard to manage time between my social activities and professional duties and I decided to quit my job and fully focus on AMP in 2012,” he says.

Presently, besides managing his real estate business, Edresy has been able to evolve AMP in into a vibrant pan-India organization of dynamic individuals. It now serves as a platform for all Muslim professionals and volunteers to share their knowledge, intellect, experience and skills for the overall development of not just the Muslim Community but also the society at large.

The organization is entirely funded by its members and socially conscious individuals and it is presently having more than 50 active chapters in 12 states across India, with volunteers present in over 120- districts of India and growing further with a strong presence of professional base across the country.

“I want to kindle in the hearts of my educated Muslim brethren a passion for working towards the upliftment of the underprivileged sections of the community,” he adds.

According to Soheb Selia, organising secretary, Association of Muslim Professionals, Edresy has “exceptional interpersonal skills and networking abilities which is quite evident from raising a strong social network from zero across India which includes professionals, students, politicians, bureaucrats and social leaders.”

“He is also quite erudite in the matters of public administration and political governance and is abreast with all the recent developments and changes in government policies,” adds Selia.

AMP has been instrumental in conducting various activities for the benefit of the society across the length and breadth of the country. The association has successfully organised ‘Career Fest’ in Mumbai for six successive years, where more than 1 lakh students from all over Maharashtra participated.

“Increasing competition has brought students under pressure. Students set their goal at an early age; however, an appropriate guidance from professional in the same sector is very necessary. Career fest is designed to achieve the same purpose,” says Edresy.

Laying greater emphasis upon online public forum, which is also the main reason for AMP’s birth, has ensured maintaining online public forums on social networking websites like Facebook, Google, LinkedIn and Twitter etc. to interact and communicate with more than 50,000 Muslim professionals.

Edresy’s AMP has been implementing skills development workshops all over India since its inception.

“Every month deserving students are taking the benefit of this service where AMP professional and experts are regularly taking classes at weekends. We have conducted more than 1,000 such lectures which have benefited more than 1 lakh students all over India,” he says.

In December 2015, AMP distributed Rs 10 lakh rupees to 100 students from poor background, pursuing mainly Engineering and Medical Education, running in its third consecutive year.

In October 2015, Edresy’s AMP was in news for all good reasons after it hosted a job fair in a church at Mira Road in Mumbai which was attended by people from all communities thus setting a good example of communal harmony. More than 1,000 candidates had participated, 227 were shortlisted and 245 had got job offers on the spot.

In 2015, he was the only Indian who was invited to the ‘American Youth Leadership Summit.’

For Edresy, AMP stimulates every Muslim professional to come forward and make visible difference in lives of people and subsequently the whole nation.

“It gives us a single platform where our individual scattered efforts can transform into big collective and effective force for the renovation of whole of the Muslim community,” he adds.

Related:

TCN Positive page

By Shafeeq Hudawi

Kozhikode: One of the foremost voices in Islamic jurisprudence in Kerala, Cherussery Zainudheen Musliyar, passed away yesterday morning after being taken ill four days ago. He was 78 years old.

Musliyar, who was born in 1937 in Kondotty, Malappuram was better known as Zainul Ulema for his ‘shining knowledge’ and his views were seen as the last word whenever doubts occurred over religious matters. Under the guidance of the Musliyar, who served as the general secretary of the Samastha Kerala Jamiyyathul Ulama, thousands of students were educated in various Islamic educational institutions ranging from Dars (functionary of Samastha Kerala Islam Matha Vidhyabhyasa Board carried in mosques) to Darul Huda Islamic University.

“A great scholar with immense knowledge in Islamic rules and practices, Zainul Ulema was the man we all depended on to get the final solution if there was any contentious issue,” said Panakkad Syed Munavvarali Shihab Thangal, a young Sunni leader from Kerala.

“Cherussery Musliyar had a wonderful record of settling disputes, and many had come to him seeking his help to find a solution to problems ranging from religious raw to Familiar disputes,” he said.

“For anyone who came to him for a settlement in any issue, he would provide the verdict and no one objected to him. This shows how much of respect he had commanded among the other scholars in the state,” said Darul Huda Islamic University vice chancellor Dr. Bahawudheen Muhammed Nadwi in his condolence message.

“He was a man who had dedicated his entire life to the betterment of religion and society,” Nadwi added.
For his students, followers and scholars whom he educated, his void will be hard to fill. Musilyar was one of the most humble men that Kerala has ever seen and his photos circulated on social media speak volumes about the simplicity which he never compromised.

Musliyar had worked as Mudarris (religious teacher at Kodangad, Kondoty, Malappuram for eighteen years. He was a leading religious teacher at Chemmad Juma Masjid for several years before taking the charge of Darul Huda Islamic Academy, Chemmad, as Principal in 1994. He later became the pro-chancellor of the institute.

Born in Kondotty as the son of Cherussery Ahamed Musliyar in Qaziyarakam family, Zainudheen Musliar started his religious studies under his own father and O K Zainudheen Musliar, Malappuram.

He was a different scholar with an articulation of political and social thought which led to many reforms in Kerala's Muslim community. The Sufi scholar with judicious vision guided generations of Sunnis to the upper standards of the society by providing them the potential of modern education. The scholar spent major chunk of his life at Darul Huda Islamic University.

The students at the Darul Huda Islamic University, Chemmad, said his loss was one of the hardest to take. “We will miss him a lot. No one possessed as much religious knowledge as Cherussery Usthad.

Even people from outside Kerala came to him for help. A deep sea of knowledge, an embodiment of humanity and simplicity, a constant seeker of the Almighty,” said head of department, Arabic, Mahatma Gandhi University Dr. Zubair Hudawi Chekanur.

Musliyar served as a fine leader and his administrative power was vital in the growth of the Islamic university, which is growing to the largest network of Islamic knowledge with several undergraduate colleges and off campuses in various parts of the country.

Being an active figure in one of the prominent religious organization in the state, he had also worked as the president of Samastha Kerala Sunni Education Board, the state president of Sunni Mahal Federation and Manager at Islahul Uloom Arabic College, Thanur.

Thousands from various strands of life paid their last respect to him at Darul Huda Islamic University for his body was put for public viewing. Cherussery was laid to rest at Darul Huda Islamic University compound.

In the last of the five personal stories of half widows, Raqib Hameed Naik narrates the story of Shabnum Wani.

Bemina (Srinagar): On July, 6 1997, the summer capital of Jammu and Kashmir, Srinagar was simmering with intense heat. However, this also meant that marriages and ring ceremonies, which Kashmiri families usually avoid organising in winters due to the bone-chilling cold, were on in full swing.

For the Wani family living in Bemina, it was a day scheduled for taking part in ring ceremony of one of their relatives in Batamaloo, Srinagar. Everyone was getting ready to leave for Batamaloo to take part in the ceremony except Abdul Rashid Wani, then a 30-year-old truck driver and the husband of Shabnum Wani.

Rashid had to visit a trader in Parimpora, Srinagar to deliver an amount of Rs 21,000 for the wood which he had supplied to a dealer outside Kashmir. As he went outside to start the scooter parked in the yard, a friend passed from nearby. He too accompanied Rashid to the trader in Parimpora.

Little did he know: some army men were following him in a public vehicle. The moment he reached near JVC Mandi, the army vehicles overtook his scooter and stopped in front of him. At once they pounced upon Rashid, and took him inside the vehicle and drove away leaving behind his friend and scooter on the road.

The other family members, who were still at their relatives place, came to know of the incident only when they came back at their home at 5pm that day. A man from neighborhood came to inform them that, “Army nevw Molvi Soeb (Army has picked up Molvi saeb).”

Rashid was a practicing Muslim with a pencil beard.

“That time I was sure that they won’t do anything with him because he was just a poor truck driver and not a militant,” says Shabnum Wani, 50, wife of Abdul Wani.

There was no word or information available to the family as to which army battalion had picked him up. After two days, Shabnum went to search out for the public vehicle which the Army men had hired on that day fateful day. Fortunately, she found one driver who acknowledged a bearded man picked up by the Army in his vehicle from JVC Mandi.

The driver told Shabnum that the Army men were from 2/8 GR, Gorkha Rifles camped at Rawalpora Srinagar and their commander, Capitan Yadav, had hired his vehicle that day. “The driver told me that Capitan Yadav had said that we have to pick any bearded man who comes in front of us,” recalls Shabnum

He further told that her husband was first taken to an army camp in Sanat Nagar where Capitan Yadav got down from the vehicle to discuss something with officers inside the camp and later took him to Rawalpora camp.

A day after meeting the driver, Shabnum along with his family members went to meet Capitan Yadav in Rawalpora Camp. “I told him that you have picked up my husband, an innocent truck driver who has nothing to do with the militancy,” she recalls asking the Capitan.

The Capitan acknowledged detaining him and told her, “Wo zakhmi hai abhi, jab theek hoga, mulakaat karva doon ga tumhari” (He is injured now. When he is well, we will arrange for you to meet him)

As days passed into a month, the Captain deliberately used delaying tactics, never allowing Shabnum to meet Abdul. Once he was fed up of her visits, he threatened, “Wo yahan nahi hai, aur baar baar mere pass mat aao, warna raat ko aake sab ko maar dunga, (He isn’t here and don’t dare to visit me again, else I will come at night and will kill all the family members).”

Filled with terror, Shabnum returned home fearing for the life of her two sons Junaid and Arsalan who were then 11 and 7 years old. “He was an animal. He could have really come at night to kill us all,” she said.

She started to look for her husband on her own; in jails, army camps in Uri, Baramullah, Shriefabad, Badamibagh , Kot Bhalwal and various army camps in Jammu division of J&K.

Two months after the disappearance of Rashid, Shabnum’s brother-in-law suggested to file a case in High Court. However, the case continued till 2003, when the High Court passed directions to the lower court for filing an FIR who later directed Parimpora, Police station to initiate investigation in the case. “FIR was filed seven years after his disappearance which mentioned that my husband was subjected to custodial disappearance,” says Shabnum.

The same year, Shabnum’s mother Azi Begum, 75, suffered a major heart attack. She had to be shifted to AIIMS Delhi, where she took months to recover. Since Shabum was in Delhi to attend to her mother, there was no one to attend the hearings in Court. In between, she also went to State Human Rights Commission but left the case midway realising that she can’t get justice.

Azi Begum, who is now bed ridden vividly remembers, how a Commanding Officer from Shriefabad Army camp had came to their home in early 2000 to coerce her daughter to withdraw the case, “Hum se baat karo. Jo kuch bhi chahiye, hum denge, magar ye case wapis lelo, (Talk to us. Whatever you need, we will give you: but take back this court case,) but my daughter put a brave face and told him that, “I just want to know what happened to him,” recollects Azi.

Rashid’s disappearance also meant the loss of the family’s breadwinner and its consequences were severe, as we have seen all through this series. Shabnum’s father, then a septuagenarian, had taken retirement from work due to his failing health. However, he had to resume work in a transport company to support his daughter and earn for the educations of his grandsons.

“After the Army picked up the lone bread earner of my family, I was left with no one to support me financially. My father started working to feed me and my two sons,” says Shabnum.

After her husband’s disappearance, she has experienced tension and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) for which she takes medicines regularly. “I feel depressed and can’t sleep most of the times. I have been advised by the doctor to take medicines regularly. It is costing me Rs 1,500 per month, which at time becomes difficult to arrange,” said Shabnum.

Her elder son Junaid Ahmed, 30 studied till 12th standard and started to work as a driver to support her mother financially whereas her younger son Arsalan Ahmed, 26, finished his graduation in commerce but without a job, he too works sometimes as a driver to add to the family income.

“Had my husband been here with us, my both sons would have got better education and could have achieved what they had dreamt of. It wasn’t only me who lived a life of ‘half widow’ but my sons too had to live a life of ‘half orphans’ which pains me at heart every time when I think about it,” says Shabnum as broke in tears.

For the past decade her so, Shabum has joined other women to protest at Pratap Park, Lal chowk for monthly sit in to seek justice against the continued disappearance of her husband. “From Governments to courts everyone has betrayed us. Now this is the last resort left to us,” she says. The wait continues.

By TCN News

Hyderabad (Telangana): The Indian Muslim Relief and Charities (IMRC) organised a health check-up camp for about 600 people in Hasan Nagar locality in Hyderabad city on Friday, February 26.

Since 2010, the IMRC has been assembling a team of doctors from the US to volunteer for health camps to provide medical care to cater to economically weaker sections of the society. The India Health Initiative (IHI) sees medical camps organised for three weeks in slums and rural areas of different states to target the most deserving patients.

Farhat Sultana, 55, a widow who came for a check up said, “I was here for back and joint pains. The doctors screened me and after conducting the necessary tests, told me that I had diabetes. Without this camp, I may not have known as I did not have the money to go to a doctor.”

Last year, approximately 10,000 patients were seen in medical camps in Hyderabad, Bijapur, and Bangarpet.

Syed Abdul Najeeb from Sahayata Trust, who is overseeing the organisation of Health camps, said that the basic aim to run health camps is to serve poorest of poor. “As it is the capital of Diabetes, the people here are unable to afford the high costs of treatment. Besides, the slum populace suffers with various ailments which they usually ignore due to monetary constraints. We are here to provide free medicines and consultation after investigating vital signs and blood-sugar levels,” he said.

“Most of the patients whom we examined today were anaemic, and had iron and vitamin deficiency. We also got patients with chronic lung diseases, hypertension and diabetes. Since they are unable to pay for treatment, there condition keeps deteriorating with time. They look at these free health camps as an opportunity to get examined,” said Dr. Irfan Moin, Geriatrics, who has been volunteering for IMRC’s IHI health camps since last six years.

Three more free health camps will be organised in Hyderabad in IndoUS School (Kishan Bagh), IndoUS School (Shaheen Nagar), and IndoUS School (Baba Nagar) from February 27 to 29.
In Kerala, medical camps will be organised in Mukkam, Omassary, Koliwada and the Engapuza villages of Kozhikode District from March 3-March 6.

Mumbai,m: The Bombay High Court has been petitioned against a Maharashtra government order leaving out Muslims from its new list of national leaders and heroes for celebrating their anniversaries and special days.

The government circular, Ja.Pu.Ti-2215/279/PrKr/285/29, was issued on November 30, 2014, with a list of 26 days when celebrations and functions would be held in honour of various national leaders/heroes.

Senior activist-journalist Sarfaraz Arzu has filed the public suit, naming Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, Minority Affairs Minister Eknath Khadse and Chairman of State Minorities Commission Amir Hussain among the respondents.

"It is unfortunate that the government has not been able to find a single great figure from the Muslim community...It's in national interest that students and the masses should know that Indian Muslims have done service to the Motherland and humanity, but somehow what the people come to know is the gloomy past of some misguided Muslims, creating a false Islamophobia," the petition said.

It pointed out that the government has become completely blind to freedom fighters like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. Zakir Hussain, Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Paramvir Chakra awardee Company Havildar Major Abdul Hamid, religious leaders like Khawaja Garib Nawaz, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Shahnawaz Khan, Sir Badruddin Tyebji, Tipu Sultan, Bahadur Shah Zafar, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, Ashfaqulla Khan and many more.

"The National Heroes who are Muslims have been deliberately forgotten and suppressed and the common young Indian is kept ignorant of their greatness and contributions," Arzu said.

He pointed out that the government in power, which swears by the constitution, is expected to take all sections of society in the task of nation-building and public space cannot be appropriated by any one section to the exclusion of the others.

He had earlier written letters on the issue to Fadnavis, Khadse and others, highlighting the grouses of the community.

New Delhi: Amidst reports that the Manoj Bajpayee-starrer "Aligarh" will not be screened in the city of Aligarh, the film's director Hansal Mehta has said that it doesn't seem like an official ban yet.

"Aligarh" is based on the real life incident of Srinivas Ramchandra Siras, an academician at the Aligarh Muslim University who was suspended from his job because of his sexual orientation.

According to reports, a fringe group called the Millat Bedari Muhim Committee (MBMC) has pressurised exhibitors in the city not to screen the film.

Aligarh Mayor Shakuntala Bharti also reportedly supported the group's call for a ban on the film.

"It doesn't seem like an official ban. The mayor has joined the issue with a fringe group (MBMC). Our stand is the city of Aligarh has, once again, killed professor Siras," Mehta told IANS.

Mehta said he is discussing the issue with his legal team, but he cannot do "anything that will create a law and order situation".

The fringe group also reportedly wrote a letter to the information and broadcasting ministry.

Calling the group "homophobic", Mehta said it is "just seeking attention".

"They are homophobic. Their worry is that Aligarh, which is famous for knowledge and its locks, will be linked only to homosexuality with this film. There can't be any more homophobic statement than this," Mehta asserted.

"Aligarh" also stars Rajkummar Rao. The film released on February 26.

Kanhaiya Kumar: JNU and University Autonomy

By Ram Puniyani

On the back of the death of Rohith Vemula in Hyderabad Central University (HCU), one of the most prestigious University of the country Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has been targeted by the ruling Modi Sarkar. The frightening things which happened in HCU were just the beginning of attack on autonomy of universities, on the free thinking in a democracy. Rohith was forced to kill himself by the machinations of ABVP, which had brought pressure through a BJP MP on the ministry to get Rohith expelled from hostel and to stop his fellowship. Similarly the local ABVP unit brought pressure through its usual channels to intimidate and stifle the democratically elected student union in JNU.

It is alleged that in JNU some anti India; Pro-Pakistan slogans were shouted. There are confusing versions as to who did it. Truth of the video has come out, it was doctored. On the pretext of that Kanhiaya Kumar, the president of the JNUSU was arrested and the charges of sedition were slapped on him. Now Kumar is a member of AISF, the student wing of CPI, which is opposed to the separatist-pro Pakistan stance and in no way can he be part of type of slogan shouting which is supposed to have taken place. The original video also makes it clear. He neither shouted the slogans nor can anybody be arrested on the charge of shouting slogans. The constitutional position as clarified by noted lawyer Soli Sorabjee is that incitement to violence alone can be termed anti-National.

How come Delhi police enter the campus? The Vice chancellor, a BJP appointee, is indulging in double speak on the issue. On TV he stated that he will be the last person to call police in the campus. The investigation shows that he wrote letters to police calling them to take suitable action. Delhi police, working under Home Minister Rajnath Singh; went on recklessly to put the charge of sedition against Kumar. The lawyers in the court indulged in violence against those who looked like JNU students. One BJP MLA is involved in mercilessly beating up a CPI activist. This MLA also said that had he got the gun he would have shot those raising anti India slogans. One journalist was also attacked by BJP supporters. The same violence was repeated by lawyers the next day also and when Kanhaiya was being brought to court he was also beaten.

Now what is happening is a blatant attack by RSS controlled ABVP-BJP to crush the democratic secular voices in the country. As in Rohith Vemula case the ABVP, has become emboldened to call all those opposing their politics as anti national and are getting the state support to intimidate the voices for social justice; the progressive voices. BJP related organizations are creating a mass hysteria around ‘Anti national’. All those who don’t endorse the ‘RSS promoted Hindutva nationalism’ are being called as anti national. Prashant Bushan calls it a fascist onslaught.

All this is a big erosion of the values and practices which India has been nourishing. RSS combine is seeing this as an opportunity to wipe out all the norms and ethos of democratic culture and dissenting voices. It is a matter of shame that the police lacks the spine and professionalism and arrests the likes of Kanhaiya Kumar.

Rahul Gandhi who went to the campus and showed solidarity with the students was shown black flags and stones were thrown at him in Lucknow. Those agitating said that they are very angry as Rahul is sympathizing with anti Nationals. The MLA who beat up the CPI worker also said that anti national activities are going on and so he is showing his anger against those who shouted the pro Pakistan slogans. In TV debates the BJP spokespersons are harping on the same slogans and social media is resorting to the similar language.

The argument has been uniformly spoken by the Delhi lawyers taking law in their hands to those indulging in violence, from the ministers and top BJP leaders to those indulging in street violence. The second observation is that JNU students have been demonized through the propaganda as being anti National, and JNU being the den of anti India activities. One recalls that all this demonization of JNU has started with this Government coming to power. The RSS affiliates, VHP etc have been taking the marches to JNU gate to protest against the anti National JNU students and faculty.

Both these arguments show the deeper agenda in a way. The anti national rhetoric has been created to generate a mass hysteria against those disagreeing with BJP politics. The resorting to violence on this pretext clearly shows that this is a concerted effort to browbeat the practices and ideas which are not in keeping with the RSS-BJP mindset. This hysteria has been created to distract the attention from the social movement building up around the death of Rohith Vemula. The all round anger on the Rohith issue had put the BJP on the back foot. This creation of mass hysteria around anti India slogans has been created and is leading to street violence. This is an attempt on the part of BJP associates to wrest the initiative away from the movement which is building around Rohith. Apart from the attempt to abolish autonomy of universities this is also an attempt to sidetrack the issue of Dalits. The latter has also been reflected in the resignation of three office bearers of ABVP of JNU. These office bearers in their letter point out their dissatisfaction with the Government-BJP-ABVP interference in JNU affairs and their attitude of undermining the dalit issue as reflected in their attitude to the death of Rohith.

The demonization of JNU again is on purpose. This institute has reflected the democratic spirit, the freedom of thought, and the progressive values, all of which are an anathema to the agenda represented by ABVP-BJP. They want to abolish the autonomy of academic institutions as reflected in their policies in case of FTTI, IIT Madras, IIT Delhi and HCU to name the few. JNU was a particular target due to its outstanding contribution to high level of scholarship and adherence to progressive secular values. The concerted move by the ruling dispensation and its political associates’ to create a mass hysteria around anti-Nationalism and to erode the image of a progressive institution like JNU is as such an attack on the principles of democracy in the country.

While hopefully Courts may give some relief to Kanhaiya Kumar, the issue remains whether the mass hysteria and the street violence which has been unleashed on the pretext of anti India slogans can be brought under control. The massive rallies of the students demanding the release of Kumar, demanding that government should not interfere in autonomy of universities and opposing the demonization of JNU drew a massive response. ABVP and family in a recalcitrant manner is mobilizing all through the country to protest against ‘Anti nationalism’. Those who were part of the JNU students meeting and of JNU have condemned the anti-India pro Pakistan slogans. The need is to take up the struggle for preserving democratic values to the masses.
.......
(Ram Puniyani is a former IIT Professor, Mumbai-based author and peace activist.)

By A Mirsab, TwoCircles.net

Aurangabad (Maharashtra):“Thodi si neki karle pyare …Allah ne mauka diya hai” (Do some good work dear …Almighty has given you an opportunity). This is the belief that powers 38-year-old Yusuf Mukati in helping impoverished families of the city in a holistic manner.

In 2014, Yusuf Mukati established Haroon Mukati Islamic Centre (HMIC), named after his late father at the busy Jinsi-Baijipura Road in the heart of Aurangabad with an intention of helping Muslims in the area, many of whom suffer from economic and other social problems.

Initially, the Centre offered various free educational and vocational courses such as Arabic, Islamic tuition, mehndi and beautician courses, computer and typing class, spoken English, cooking, sewing and calligraphy classes. In addition to this, the Centre also set up a free marriage bureau.

“My father was a devoted Muslim who used to help needy people at his individual capacity. I had a desire to continue his work but at on a larger scale. So, I opened this Centre with an aim to impart free coaching in various fields so that needy people, especially girls & women can be provided with skill using which they can earn at their doorstep or find employment”, Mukati says with smile on his face.

Mukati, who runs a garment business along with his realty consultancy firm, employed some teachers for each course and paid their salary through his own pocket.

Talking about the Centre’s success, Mukati says, “Within a year, around 21,510 people obtained coaching in various fields. Many have now found a means of earning through the skill they acquired during the three-month course”.

Roti Bank

Encouraged by the response to the Centre, Mukati decided to extend help to the more marginalised sections of the society. He came up with the idea of collecting two ‘rotis’ (breads) and little ‘sabji’ (cooked vegetable) from people and distribute it in packets such food to beggars and needy people.

For this, he installed a counter ‘Roti Bank’ outside the Centre in December 2015 and called people to send surplus food. He distributed membership forms to the people who were willing to deposit minimal food to the Centre every day.

“After discussing the idea of Roti Bank with my wife and sisters, we went public with a modest 250 ‘depositors’ on December 14. Now we have 700 members who send food everyday to the Centre”, a joyous Mukati says while showing a membership form.

The Centre provides special carry bags with a code number to each 'depositor' on receipt. It is checked for freshness and quality before distribution to the needy people.

“As the work of Roti Bank spread, we started to receive phone calls from wedding parties offering extra food left over due to guest absenteeism and our deposit increased”, Mukati says.

The Roti bank runs from 11am till 9 pm. During these hours, people can deposit food, while poor people can collect their share from the bank.

“I fill plastic bags with gravy, vegetables, rice, rotis in different bags and hand it over to the poor people when they come to the Bank”, says 60-year- old Shaikh Habeeb Chacha, who is employed by Centre.

Once the Roti Bank gained admiration from the society, there was an increase in deposits, while some even helped by offering free service at the Centre.

“I received many congratulatory calls and people offered donation but I declined to accept donation and asked them to pray for success of the Centre”, Mukati says.

The Centre’s work saw people from other walks of life contribute in their own ways too. The auto union leader of Baijipura, Asif Khan, offered help in bringing food from ceremonies or hotels which called for depositing food.

“At weddings and other ceremonies, the caterers are ready to give away the remaining food and phone the Centre to collect food. So, one of the 60-odd members of the auto union would help the Centre’s volunteers in bringing food to the bank,” he says.

Kapda Bank

If there is one consistent theme in the work of Mukati, it is the constant innovation that he seeks in ensuring that his work has the maximum reach possible. This explains why the overwhelming response shown by the people in contribution to the Roti Bank lead to Mukati opening a ‘Kapda Bank’ outside the Centre.

Mukati explains why he started the Kapda Bank. “When I was at the centre, I saw many people, especially elders and children who come to collect food at Roti Bank, shivering in the cold as they were wearing torn or inadequate clothes. This gave me the idea of installing a Kapda Bank”.

The response for Kapda Bank eclipsed that to the Roti Bank. Within two days of telling the community about the idea of the ‘Kapda Bank’ at the Centre, he got a deposit of around 600 full sets of clothes and on January 26 2016, the 'Kapda Bank' was started.

Talking about the way this Bank works, Mukati says, “All clothes received are examined for any wear/tears, missing buttons, hooks, loose stitching, segregated according to size and gender and then sent for dry-cleaning and ironing before being distributed to the needy people coming to the Bank.”

Marriage Bureau

The Centre also runs a free marriage bureau since its inception, which has helped arrange for 300 marriages so far.

“We help parents with the first meeting and do not charge any fees. We also advice them against dowry and ask them to conduct simple weddings,” says Seema Shalimar, sister of Mukati who runs the marriage bureau.

Mukati now wants to extend this project too and plans to help poor families by providing all necessities for collective marriages.

“We have started a new project under name ‘Chai pe Shadi’ where we will help poor parents in marrying their girls without charging anything from them. The idea is to save such parents from taking loans required for marriage, especially in the case of girls”, he says.

Free Coaching classes

The Centre has three halls in at the ground floor in addition to office. One hall is utilised by new comers, whereas the other two halls are used for computer and calligraphy classes.

Two more halls at the upper floor are engaged for sewing, cooking and beautician classes. Spoken English and Arabic classes are also held in a shift. In addition to this, the Centre has two Aalims (Islamic scholars) who provide the basic teachings of Islam and Quran reading to boys.

Talking about the size of the operations, Farhana Khan, 29, a facilitator at the Centre says, “We have 16 teachers here who teach in shifts. Around 2,000 people are trained here every day in different skills.”

“The best thing of the Centre is that it is being utilised by truly needy people. There are widows and divorcees who are attending sewing classes here. After a three-month course here, they will be confident enough to sew cloths and can earn their livelihood”, tells Farhana Khan.

She also adds that the Centre’s help extends to non-Muslims also, who form 20% of the people trained here.

Renuka Lonkar, 25, completed B.Com and joined the Centre for training in ‘Tally and DTP work’. Sharing her experience, she told Twocircles.net, “It is a wonderful institution that charges no money and provides training in a highly compassionate environment.”

Mirza Zohra, 28, who is a ladies tailor, joined the Centre to learn more designing techniques. She says, “Initially I doubted the purpose of the Centre but when I visited it, I enrolled my name without any doubt. The Centre is helping me master the art of designing.”

“I have been coming to the Centre for the past one month for the Mehndi course and I am very happy that I can do so without paying a fee. Everyone, including the teachers here, are very supportive”, says 17-year-old Reena Rachurye.

Nazia Tarannum, 30, who could study only till Matriculation, joined the Centre to acquire sewing skills. She is also learning calligraphy at the Centre and says, “Here, the environment is very good and the students are respected. Such an environment has increased my interest to learn here”.

(As per Farhana Khan, Farzana Shaikh (35) and Seema Khan (30)--two widows learning in the first batch of sewing classes-- were not available for comments.)

"These training centres equip young girls with a capacity to earn a livelihood, so that in case of any future problems they will have skill to ensure that they do not starve," Mukati says.

Related:

TCN Positive page

By Mahtab Alam for Twocircles.net

Last week, a day after Hansal Mehta’s latest film Aligarh was released for public viewing in theatres across the country except Aligarh city, I watched it here in a Delhi multiplex. Given it’s “A” certificate and ‘the subject’ of the film, the hall was, as expected, not full. However, I must confess that there were more people than what I had seen for Shahid, almost akin to those that turned up for City Lights. I clearly remember that there were not more than a dozen people when I watched Shahid on the first day of its release.

The first thing that I noticed after the film started playing was the tune of Beparwah, a song from Shahid. It had an electrifying effect on me. Ever since the release of the song, I have heard it a several hundred times and even today, I hear it on loop. Shahid was a deeply moving tribute to the man (Advocate Shahid Azmi) and his mission, though initially I was extremely skeptical about the film. Since this is not a blog about Shahid, I would not go into the details. However, those interested in knowing my take may read it here.

Let me talk about Aligarh. As soon as the film started, I got lost in it. There were so many things in the film to watch, observe, understand, think, empathize, relate and engage with, that at the end of it, I was totally bogged by it. It was an altogether different experience for me. After watching the film, I did not know how to react to it, what to say and what not to. Literally, it took me a few hours to put down a small para on the film as my Facebook status. On reaching home, I wrote the following comment:

"Just returned home after watching #‎Aligarh. It is a very sensitively made film around a very important subject. However, it would be unfair to limit it to just #‎Homosexuality and #‎AMU as the film takes us much beyond that. It asks us to examine ourselves and ask the question of how we treat individuals who are different from us. While watching this film, I was reminded of both the cases of #‎Rohith and #‎Akhlaq. I have no doubt that Prof. Siras's decision to take his own life was any different from Rohith's institutional murder and intrusion in his personal life/privacy reminded me of the story of Akhlaq and his family. It is high time to question ourselves and act beyond beautiful tales of solidarities. That's what I understand from Aligarh. "

Why did I say so? Let me give you a few examples. I felt so because, given the ‘controversial’ nature of the subject of the film and the university—Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), which is actual site of inspiration of the film, it would have been much easier and perhaps a box office hit, had the film maker chosen to make a sensational film instead. There was all the masala available for it. But instead of that, the filmmaker chose to make a film which takes one much beyond its immediate subject (much like ‘immediate identity’, remember Rohit Vemula’s words?) The most remarkable thing about the film is that it engages with you. It does not scream at you. It is very poetic and political with no overt claim of being one. It forces you to relate to your own vulnerabilities and insecurities, and perhaps at some level, privilege as well. It leaves you with unanswered questions, which don’t haunt you but force you to constantly think and ponder about.

While watching the court argument about morality and homosexuality, I was reminded of the ongoing debate about patriotism and nationalism. One of the court room scenes succinctly outline the difference between conventional or popular notion of morality and constitutional morality, much like Prof. Upendra Baxi’s argument and the distinction about Popular Patriotism and Constitutional Patriotism, which he made in his latest column in Indian Express on 27th of February, the day I watched Aligarh.

Sorry, but I have to refer to Shahid once again. While watching the scene of outsiders barging into the protagonist’s house in Aligarh and making videos and taking their picture in an almost naked position and beating them black and blue, I was reminded of the scene from Shahid when he is tortured by police. To me, the very act of barging into someone’s house and filming their private and intimate part of life forcibly is nothing short of torture. In this sense, there was a striking similarity between the two scenes. The context might be different but the intent was the same. To humiliate and force someone in order to acquire a ‘confession’ that what he did was wrong.

Similarly, the scene where the land lord asks the protagonist to vacate the house because he is a bachelor, reminded me of my own vulnerability and that of many of my friends and peers. Not long ago, I was denied a place on rent by several land-lords and ladies in Bangalore because I was a Muslim and because I was going to stay alone. I was reminded of my helplessness, much like the protagonist. And I was/am not the first and the last, many of my friends are denied houses because of their caste, religion, gender, food habits and region, to name a few.

Many would argue that Aligarh is a film about human rights and justice. Agreed. But let me say this as an activist who works for human rights and justice that Aligarh is not a human rights story alone but a human story. It is not just about being gay but being human as well and all human beings are different from each other. In this case, the person featured in the film is different in terms of his idea of love (yeah, the film is just not about sex as many would like us to believe). And the protagonist of the film says it clearly when he is asked about whether he is gay. “ ‘Gay’ ? How can you define my love in just three letters?”

If you have not watched a good film in a long time, I recommend you to watch this as it will not disappoint you. It does not matter whether you are pro or anti-Homosexuality. This is a must watch film even if you are not able to come to terms with it like a friend of mine who writes:

“How can someone end up making such a great movie! And how can someone bring such sensitivity to a character! Kudos Hansal Mehta and Manoj Bajpai. I'll admit that even after years of effort, I am still substantially homophobic. And I don't think I can change this at this age now. But any story told with such human touch, such sensitivity, deeply moves me. The only other film that did this to me was Brokeback Mountain. Do make time and watch Aligarh. It won't be there for more than a week now.”

(Mahtab Alam is a Delhi based activist and writer. He blogs at http://mahtabnama.wordpress.com/ and can be chased on twitter @MahtabNama)

By IndScribe

Telegraph, the Calcutta-based English newspaper, has redefined the front pages of newspapers.

Creative, catchy and often shocking headlines, apart from unique presentation has brought this Kolkata based paper in discussions everywhere.

For decades, Telegraph has been a major English paper in India, but was confined to Eastern part of the country.

However, its sharp and attacking headlines, have now brought it popularity across the country.
Take for instance the front page on the left. 'The Nashun', on how govt shunned its responsibility.

Bold, anti-establishment line

Major Delhi-based newspapers aren't too attacking [against government] in their approach.

Though there is an exception--Indian Express. But, Telegraph has no problem in taking a clear, strong anti-establishment line.

Whether against TMC led Mamata Banerjee government in West Bengal or BJP government at the Centre.

After a big event, people now wait to see how Telegraph carries the story. Because, they are sure it would be different and unique.

Headlines to shock the readers

The paper has a circulation of over a million but it has never been serious about its online presence.

It does have a website. However, website or not, people click photograph of the Telegraph. The images of the front page are circulated through Whatsapp, Facebook and Twitter.

It is not always that the headlines are shocking, sometimes they are simple too.

Bizarre headlines test your brain

And, at times, the headlines are bizarre. An example is the screenshot of the paper when symbols were published in the headline on the front page.

An effort is made to create a unique front page everyday. Sometimes you may need to put an effort to understand and you have to read the news to understand.

Redefining the rules in print media

Yes, in an era, when it was said that everything has to be straight as reader doesn't have time, Telegraph redefines the rules.

The stories are long. They aren't finished in 300¬400 words. The reports are exhaustive.

And yet, Telegraph is read, liked and its popularity is growing. Telegraph was established in 1982.

MJ Akbar was the editor, initially. Owned by Anand Bazar group, its current editor is Aveek Sarkar.

Once, The Statesman was the leading English paper in Kolkata then. Over the years, Telegraph became the most popular paper in the region. The group seems content with its reach. and hasn't started Delhi, Mumbai or Chennai editions till now.

This post shows TEN FRONT PAGES of The Telegraph.

See some of the most talked about front pages of the Telegraph, with this post.

The attack on Chithralekha is a clear example of how the Communist Party of India (Marxist), while raising its voice against growing intolerance in the rest of the county, has chosen to stay mum over the activities of its party workers in Kerala. The travails of the 39-year-old Dalit lady have ranged from social boycotts to attacks by local CPI (M) leadership at Payyannur in Kannur. Chitralekha, who drives an auto rickshaw in Edat, has been strong in her protests against the CPI (M) workers. Shafeeq Hudawi of Twocircles.net interviewed Chithralekha. Here are the excerpts:

Since when have you been facing threats from CPI (M)?

The threats started in 2004. When I arrived in the auto rickshaw stand controlled by the CITU (CPI (M) affiliated trade union) the auto rickshaw drivers welcomed me with caste slurs. They shouted at me “What the hell a Pulaya lady is doing in the auto stand?”

As far as I am concerned, the party leadership is targeting me mainly on two motives: I married a man from the Thiyya caste (a higher caste) and a Dalit lady dared to work as an auto rickshaw driver, that too in a locality dominated by the men from upper castes. This what the party does towards Dalits and Muslims in its strong holds in Kannur district.

My husband belongs to a family with strong roots of left parties. Two former MLAs belong to his family and some of his relatives use to work with prominent CPI (M) leaders as personal assistants.

What kind of attacks you faced from the party activists?

There is wide range of attacks starting from verbal attacks to beating me. I can’t remember how many times I was subjected to attacks. They burnt my auto rickshaw in 2005 and the seats of my vehicle were torn few days back. My husband was beaten and my relative was heckled.

First, they defaced me and my family by lowering our morale. They described me and my mother as women who drink. They stuck posters in the locality against us. The activists, who came in support for us, were also attacked and were portrayed as the ‘agents of two bad women’. Despite these assaults my husband and relatives were affirm in their steps.

How have these attacks affected your family?

My son dropped out from the school while he was studying in Class 8 at the Payyannur Government Boys High School. He was termed as the son of a lady with a questionable morale so he didn’t want to continue his studies. The boy, who is now in his 20s, is now working with a nearby mechanical workshop. My daughter, who is now studying in a technical institution, is also depressed. She rarely speaks to others.

Who all came in support of you when you faced attacks?

Several organisations, most of them functioning for the empowerment of the Dalits, lent me ardent support during my struggle. Local organisations like Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes United Forum and Dalit Morcha deserve a mention as their activists took up efforts in bringing the media attention and authorities concerned towards my woes.

In this long struggle, I owe much to Sulfath Teacher, who has been working at Cheruthazham Government School. She motivated me and convinced me the need to continue my resistance towards the upper class fascism. Sulfath Teacher was ousted from her school owing to the intervention of the party controlled management as she raised voice against the school management when a Dalit student was abused in the school.

Do you believe that your case has been paid less attention because you are a Dalit?

When I started my dharna in front of the Kannur district collectorate demanding justice and land to live, I was backed by some in the media. But, suddenly the media started to keep mum about my dharna. When activists asked them why they changed their stance, it was mentioned that the party leadership (CPI (M)) exerted pressure on them to avoid me. Falling prey to the pressure, other political parties also neglected me.

My strike in front of the secretariat was also neglected by the mainstream media. I am thankful to activist groups for circulating the issue on social media.

How have local people reacted to your stance and your works as an auto rickshaw driver?

Edat is a CPI (M) stronghold. I got no support from my neighbourhood and the local people as they all were scared of the party activists. None uttered a word when my auto rickshaw was burnt in 2015 and I was repeatedly attacked. They also were part of the social boycott as they were compelled to do. They were least concerned of my sufferings.

Are there other Dalit ladies like you in Kannur?

There are plenty of Dalit families in CPI (M) strong holds residing under threat of the party. I recently met a Dalit family at the police station. They had come to complain against the atrocities of CPI (M) towards them. I came to know that a Dalit family’s house was attacked as it defied providing land for a road to be constructed for a party village. They oppress the voices raised by the underprivileged sects. I was courageous and dared to fight against CPI (M) fascism.

Do other women work as autorickshaw drivers in your locality?

There were some of women auto rickshaw drivers belonging to underprivileged families. Jaseera, Elizabeth and Haseena worked at Pazhayangadi and nearby localities of Kannur district. While I was targeted, these ladies slowly left their jobs.

Your struggles have seen some success: you were relocated from Edat as the government gave you land and house. What’s the significance of your struggle?

I continued my fight as I was stern in my decision. Now, I am cognizant of the ways that how a Dalit woman is treated by the upper class when she starts to raise voice against its dominance. The long struggle has made me an activist. And today on wards I will continue my fight for my survival and sake of other underprivileged ladies too.

By Shafeeq Hudawi, TwoCircles.net

Kozhikode: Malayalam Daily Mathrubhumi’s reproduction of a comment which insulted Prophet Mohammed sparked wide protests of Muslim organisations in Kerala. Accusing the leading Malayalam newspaper of encouraging blasphemy and caused distress to the community various Muslim organisations have come down against the news paper.

On Wednesday, the newspaper reproduced a Facebook post, which came in response to High Court Justice B Kemal Pasha’s recent statement about polygamy. The post, which criticised the Prophet in derogatory language, appeared in the 'Apps Talk' column of the paper in its Kozhikode edition.

Alleging the newspaper was targeting and defaming the Muslim community, leaders of Muslim organisations harshly criticised the news papers. Various organisations including Samastha Kerala Sunni Students Federation (SKSSF), Sunni Students Federation, Sunni Students Federation (SSF), Popular Front of India (PFI) and Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) hold protest marches in various parts of the state.

The leaders have exhorted to protest peacefully. “The newspaper has committed a heinous crime. Believers should vent ire against it in peaceful way,” said SKSSF state president Syed Abbas Ali Shihab Thangal.

Meanwhile, there were numerous posts on social media against the newspaper calling for social boycott. “Muslims should stop buying and subscribing Mathrubhumi,” some of the posts said.

However, following wide outrages Mathrubhumi apologised for the post and removed the post from its online and epaper editions.

Few months back, noted Malayalam literacy critic Dr. M M Basheer had stopped his column about Ramayana in Mathrubhumi following threats from a Hindu extreme group called Hanuman Sena.

By Mohammad Rafay Qadri for Twocircles.net

Aligarh the movie, which portrays the story of an Aligarh Muslim University professor, has sadly found few students interested in watching it, let alone taking up the cause of the movie. The movie, for very strange reasons, remains unscreened in Aligarh city as a section of city politicians as well as one Muslim outfit voiced anger against the title and subject of the movie.

Only one show of the movie was run in a multiplex in Aligarh city on 26 February, the day it released across India.

Before we discuss inertia regarding the movie in the AMU campus, let’s have a look at the movie, its story, and its connection with the university and the city.

Aligarh documents a brief period in the life of Professor Shrinivas Ramchandra Siras. He was a noted professor of Marathi Language in the Department of Modern Indian Languages. He lived a lonely life, mostly reserved in his apartment in Medical Colony and engrossed in listening, reading or writing poetry. His poetry collection even fetched him a literary award conferred by the Maharashtra government. One day in February 2009, he was filmed while having consensual sex with a rickshaw puller in his apartment by some local media persons.

The film traces Siras’ story from here. Since homosexuality was and is a crime in our country and AMU happens to be ultra sensitive about moral issues, Siras was suspended from his job. He was later even forced to vacate his official residence. He struggled to find accommodation in the city, and was even tortured in many ways by some university officials. Few people from the university fraternity sympathised with him. But, he shared his ordeals with a journalist who comes from Delhi. Goaded by journalist and activists, he fought against his suspension and his rights as a homosexual citizen of the society. Luckily, while his case is being fought, Section 377 of IPC which criminalises homosexuality was struck down by the Delhi High Court and he went on to win his case in Allahabad High Court. Ironically, just after a verdict is announced in his favour, he was found dead in his rented accommodation in Durga Wadi neighbourhood of Aligarh. The cause of his death, according to police, was possibly suicide because of consuming poison.

The story of Siras’ struggle to find acceptability with his sexual orientation in Aligarh is very sensitively handled by director Hansal Mehta. Siras’ character was marvellously essayed by Manoj Vajpayee, with fine assistance from Rajkumar Rao who played the role of Indian Express journalist Deepu Sebastian Edmond in the movie.

Aligarh won rave reviews from almost all leading film critics in India.

Aseen Chhabra in his rediff.com review said, “Aligarh is a very important film, a milestone in the history of Indian cinema that should start the much needed conversation how India treats a visible and yet often ignored minority group.”

However, the film failed at box office despite having good ratings from
critics.
Of many reasons behind its commercial failure, one important factor could be the lack of interest shown by the AMU community in the movie. Aligarh was supposed to generate maximum interest among AMU students and teachers as the story of the movie is based in the university itself. Even in Aligarh city, it was expected that people would like to watch a movie named after their home town.

But, as the movie was about to be released, the city mayor Shakuntala Bharti declared it to be painting the city in bad light. “The movie will show city as associated with homosexuality and will disturb its image of being the citadel of Ganga-Jamuni (composite) culture,” she said and called for a ban on the movie in the city.

Hence, when it was released in some Aligarh cinema halls, few people booked its tickets. Later, all cinema halls refused to show the movie. Two AMU professors, including film critic Asim Siddique, saw the film on the very first day of its release. “There were only a handful of people watching the movie that (Friday) evening. In all probability, the owners of the theatres have stopped showing the movie on their own because of some perceived threat,” Siddique said. Similar lack of interest for the movie was witnessed among student community in AMU. Student organisations, like Aligarh Activist Society, didn’t show any inclination to challenge the “Ban” on the movie in Aligarh. These student bodies otherwise bat for many issues, some even remotely connected to Aligarh or the university campus. One reason though might be that many other issues like that of JNU etc have been on students’ mind these days, and thus they forgot to discuss about Aligarh. Nevertheless, a widespread silence on a movie about the campus and even titled Aligarh not being screened in the city and the student community sitting idle can’t be digested. Students have to come forward for the sake of Aligarh so that this great piece of art see the light of the day in the city it seeks to narrate it story about.

The author is a first year student of BA (Honours) Economics at the Aligarh Muslim University.

By Zaidul Haque, TwoCircles.net

For Kutubuddin Khan, a 45-year-old engineer, the world begins and ends with trees.

We are not exaggerating: Khan, who belongs to a village called Murarai of district Birbhum, has been given the nickname of ‘Gach Pagol’ (Tree lover) and rightly so. He has devoted his entire life to the cause of making this world a greener place: as part of his efforts to stop global warming, he dreams of planting a tree in all the villages of India.

And he is on his way to achieve that target.

Khan’s love for greenery has seen plant trees: from Pokhran in Rajasthan to Buxar in Bihar, from Jamnagar in Gujrat to Etawah in Uttar Pradesh. His passion, which started from his village, has now spread throughout the district of Birbhum. The villages of Dakhalbati, Barshal, Ballabhpur Danga and Sarkardanga are now seen as a green zone. He has a seed farm in Sarkardanga, where he nurtures all kinds of saplings.

Kutubuddin, who has so far planted more than 30,000 trees, told Twocircles.net,” I wish to plant more than 35,000 trees in 2016. I am also trying to approach every Gram Panchayet of West Bengal to encourage tree plantations, and have already covered 500 villages.

Khan’s love for trees started at a young age while growing up in his village. He ensures that he grafts these plants in the village, free of cost.

Khan, who is a civil engineer by profession, is the youngest in his family and after the death of his father Raushan Khan he decided to settle in his village with his mother Laila Khatun.

For Khan, the Banyan tree holds special importance. If taken care properly, a Banyan tree can survive for more than 500 years. “Banian Tree does a lot of work in controlling the level of Carbon Monoxide and Nitrogen,” he says.

Khan also believes that it is also equally important to ensure that he passes the skill of growing trees for plantation to others too: so, he ensures that he assists as many people as possible in planting trees like him. Khan is happy to mention that his work has been lauded and people from local villages have come up to help him in their own ways: “Some people donated land to help me grow trees for plantation, while others help me take good care of these plants,” he says with a smile.

Related:

TCN Positive page

By Bushra Alvi Razzack for Twocircles.net

Delhi: Dilliwalas can never get enough of Urdu poetry. In spite of inclement weather, Urdu lovers converged in large numbers last Saturday evening at the Sir Shankar Lall Hall of Modern School, Barakhamba Road for the 51st edition of the annual Shankar-Shad Indo-Pak Mushaira.

All the poets at a get together at Madhav Shriram's house prior to the mushaira

Bekal Utsahi, Madhav Shriram lighting the 'Shamma'

Anwar Jalapuri shone in his role as master of ceremonies, a role that he has been playing since the past 5 years. Poetry plays a very important part in showing the way forward in society, he said. “Shaiyri ka kaam hai andheron se ladhna.”

The Shankar-Shad Mushaira, an initiative of DCM Shriram Industries Limited has been promoting Urdu mushaira as a genre of literature and the art of oration since 1953. This annual get-together is a legacy to commemorate the memory of Sir Shankar Lall and Sh. Murli Dhar of the DCM Conglomerate, who were known for their contribution to the social, educational and cultural life of New Delhi and patrons of Urdu poetry. This mushaira, assumed the character of literary institution of vital importance in Urdu Literature. Invitation for recitation saw their latest composition at the Shankar-Shad Mushaira and was considered an important landmark in the literary career of young Urdu Poets. The Mushaira helps to further Indo-Pak relationship, specifically Cultural togetherness - Urdu Poetry, common heritage of the Indian Sub-continent.

Bekal Utsahi (L) Gauhar Raza (R)

For Dr Iffat Zarrin, daughter of poet Mushir Jhanjhanvi and a worthy shaiyra in her own right, this is the second time she is attending the DCM mushaira. Speaking ahead of the Mushaira, Zarrin, who is a professor of Urdu at Delhi University said, “It’s a matter of great pride and honour to be invited to recite at this prestigious event,” For her, poetry is a powerful tool which can influence people and not just poetry but any form of literature has the power to influence and bring about a change. “Media plays such an important part of today’s life that if shaiyri comes to the fore through the agent of media, the impact will be greater.” Poetry, she elaborated, has the distinct advantage that whatever message has to be conveyed can be done so in the short space of a few well-chosen impactful words.

“Badi se badi baat kahiay, do lafzon mein utar jati hai aadmi ke dil mein.”

Stressing on the role of poetry in helping to unite people Gauhar Raza, scientist, activist, documentary film maker and poet par excellence elaborated that whether it is poetry or prose, dance or drama…anything that is art, unites you. And if it doesn’t unite you then it can be categorised into two parts. Either it is very bad or it doesn’t fulfil the objective of literature and poetry.

Janab Gauhar Raza Reciting

“All higher forms of art, especially poetry, if it doesn’t take you to the higher form of thoughtfulness, then it is not art. It should have the effect of change. It should touch you in some way,” stressed Raza. “After listening to good poetry, something should crack within your heart…something new should have emerged.”

And something did indeed crack in every heart when Gauhar Raza took the stage. At a time when there is so much unrest in the nation, one cannot ignore it and talk about “khoobsoorat pedh and khoobsurat aankhen” he said. It is inevitable that one talks of ‘siyasi muddey’.

He spoke about the harsh realities of the German gas chambers which he had seen and likened the situation in present times in the country to it.

If things continued the way they were, it didn’t augur very well for the country, he said. His shairs spoke of loss of freedom, anti-nationalism and the intense hate that is making us all so irrational.

Dharam mein lipti watan-parasti kya kya swaang rachaayegi
Masli kaliyaan, jhulsa gulshan, zard khizaa'n dikhlaayegi"

"Europe jis vehshat se ab tak sehma-sehma rehta hai
Khatra hai vo vehshat mere mulk mein aag lagaayegi

German gas-kadon se ab tak khoon ki badboo aati hai
Andhi vatan parasti humko us raste le jaayegi

Andhe kuein mein jhooth ki naao tez chali thi, maan liya
Lekin baahar raushan duniya tum se sach bulwaayegi

Nafrat mein jo paley-barhe hain, nafrat mein jo khele hain
Nafrat dekho aage-aage unse kya karwaayegi

Fankaaron se poochh rahe ho, kyon lautaaye hain sammaan
Poochho kitne chup baithe hain, sharm unhe kab aayegi

Ye mat khaao, vo mat pehno, ishq toh bilkul karna mat
Desh droh ki chaap tumhaare upar bhi lag jaayegi

Ye mat bhoolo agli naslein jalta shola hoti hain
Aag kuredoge chingaari daaman tak toh aayegi

Raza Sb’s stark verses struck a deep chord in every heart and resonated long afterwards.

Javed Akhtar recited one of his old but very relevant poems, Khel which captures the notion of existential angst through the metaphor of a game of chess. He questions the contradictions of life, of social oppression and injustice through his thoughts about the rules of chess.

Ye Khel Kya hai..
Mere mukhaalif ne chaal chal di hai
Aur ab
Meri chaal ke intezaar mein hai
Magar main kab se
Safed khaanon
Siyaah khaanon mein rakkhe
Kaale safed mohron ko dekhta hoon
Main sochta hoon
Ye mohre kya hain
Agar main samjhoon
Ki ye jo mohre hain

Sirf lakdi ke hain khilone
To jeetna kya hai haarna kya…

The evening ended with Bekal Utsahi’s rendition. It was indeed heartening to see the 94 year-old poet recite his verses with as much fire and passion as the other poets.

The thunderous applause, the accolades, the wah, wah’s and encores prove that Dilliwals have a fine ear for ghazals and nazms.

It is clear that this is a well-loved cultural gathering of the people of this city. Abdullah Khan, novelist, literary critic and screen writer has been attending mushairas from a very young age and been a regular at Shankar- Shad mushaira since the past 5 years. Since he is an aspiring poet, he feels that mushairas give him an opportunity to hone his skill. He also enjoys the ambience at this mushaira.
On the other hand, Dr Saif Mahmood, a Delhi-based lawyer and Urdu aficionado has been keeping a date with the Shankar Shad Mushaira since childhood. As a child he used to attend the mushaira with his grandmother (herself a poetry aficionado from the family of literary giants like Majaz and Chaudhary Mohammad Ali Rudaulvi) and later with his parents.

“In my memory, I have never missed the Shankar Shad Mushaira except once,” he said. “It is the quality of poets and the audience participation that draws me to such Mushairas. It was at the Shankar Shad Mushaira that I heard some of the greatest Urdu poets ever - Ahmed Faraz, Khumar Barabankvi, Jaun Elia, Majrooh Sultanpuri, Sheheryar, Zehra Nigah - I have waited beyond midnight and patiently listened to others, just to hear them recite. And then there was Dr Malikzada Manzoor compering the Mushaira which was a treat in itself. He made the art of "nizaamat" an independent genre in urdu culture.”

Now, with the fifth generation of the Shriram family also taking keen interest in organising this major event, aficionados of Urdu poetry can be sure they will never lack an opportunity to listen to the finest of shaiyari from the best of Indo-Pak poets. Mr Madhav Shriram’s beaming face and the huge appreciation from the audience is a testimony to the fact that the Shakar-Shad mushaira will always remain a high point in Delhi’s cultural calendar for generations to come.

(Bushra Alvi Razzack is a Delhi-based writer, editor and poet)