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Need tolerance in India very badly, says Amartya Sen

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Kolkata: Nobel laureate Amartya Sen on Wednesday asserted India needs tolerance "very badly" but also underscored the importance of skeptical tolerance.

Sen, an aluumni of erstwhile Presidency College which has now developed into the Presidency University, discussed the influence and contributions of early 19th century poet Henry Louis Vivian Derozio in education and society.

"The general idea was to accept any kind of belief that comes from any side. Tolerance is a very great virtue and right now in India we need it very badly," Sen said.

"In addition to that, there is a need for skeptical tolerance which was one of the things Derozio had. He didn't have enmity for any group but questions for every group," he added.

Sen was conferred the D.Litt. (honoris causa) by the Presidency University here.

Presidency University has its roots in the Hindu College, established in 1817. It was christened Presidency College in 1855. Derozio was assistant headmaster of Hindu College.

Branding Derozio's legacy as an inheritance, Sen urged current batch of Presidency students to address the major issues in India. However, he cautioned against too much interference of the state government.

"When we live in a society where there are major issues to be addressed, we have to address that not as a government college but remember our origin is a civil society. Presidency would certainly want government's help but (it should) not (be) dominant."

"We have to cultivate the highest quality of education, elitism in that sense. Detachment would not work," he said.

Calling for scepticism and reasoning in the activities, be it history or science, Sen - the author of The Argumentative Indian - stressed on being relevant to society.

"Presidency has to ask constantly are we relevant in India' or in the world. What we can we do? We live in very difficult times with violence, with battle against hunger undernourishment, illiteracy and lack of education and bad education at the school level being the dominating feature of the country," he added.


Granting Habitat Rights a positive step towards recognising Tribal ownership of natural resources

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By Raqib Hameed Naik and Amit Kumar, TwoCircles.net

The Baiga tribe in Madhya Pradesh have had good reason to look at any action from the administration with an eye of suspicion: most of the times, the civil authorities were only too keen to get them evicted from the state’s forests despite the Baigas having lived there for centuries. Last year in January, the eviction of Baigas from Kanha Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh, which was also the home of Rudyard Kipling's ‘The Jungle Book’, in the name of forest conservation, grabbed media attention in both India and abroad.

But over the past month, the authorities at Dindori, Madhya Pradesh have, for the first time, recognised the habitat rights of seven villages in the district mostly inhabited by the Baigas.
Under Habitat Rights, these seven villages have been given an area of about 23,000 acres which is non-transferable and non-alienable, essentially meaning that the Baigas will not be evicted for any purpose from this area and allowed to use the forests and rivers.

The district administration of Dindori district held a meeting in one of the villages, Rajni Sarai, on Wednesday, January 13 and told the villagers that they are free to access all their ancestral rights over land and forests besides assuring them that the government will not be able to transfer any land for non-community uses.


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The Habitat Rights documents signed on January 13

The move also gains importance because Baigas are considered as one of the 75 particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTG) in the Indian Constitution.

Ekta Parishad, the NGO which helped the locals mobilise for claiming their rights, believes this to be the first step in recognising the rights of Tribals across the country. “The seven villages have received habitat rights only 50% of the land, indentified as Baiga Chak (land of Baigas) they are entitled to, but nevertheless, it is a start and a positive step,” Ramesh Sharma, convener, Ekta Parishad, told Twocircles.net. He added that until now, even under Community Forest Rights, the land given to Tribals have consisted of a few acres or a couple of villages at the max. This, however, is a welcome change in the matter of allocating rights to forests. “The focus is to map the entire area that belongs to the Baigas, which is a lot more than the current 23,000 acres and allot them Habitat Rights for all of it,” he adds.

He added that even now, there are almost 50 Baiga villages which haven’t received these rights in the district, apart from about 30-odd Baiga villages in the districts of Mandla and Balaghat. A similar movement will be carried in other villages too, Sharma said. “The Forest Rights Act mandates that the claim for tribal land must come from the people themselves and since Habitat Rights come under Section 3 (1) d of Forest Rights Act, 2006, the organisation will encourage all other villages to push for the same. “Once the claim is made by the Gram Panchayat in front of the district collector, even if the process of granting Habitat Rights takes time, the people cannot be evicted during that period. So, we will ask all other villages to push for the same, so that any scope of evictions do not exist and the Tribals can claim what is rightfully theirs,” said Sharma.

And there are good reasons for the villages to push for the same. The Madhya Pradesh government, along with various other national and international conservation agencies, has been considering a wildlife corridor which connects Kanha Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh with the Achanakmar Wildlife Sanctuary in Chattisgarh. As has often been the case, such plans almost always lead to forcible evictions of the tribal population. According to Sharma, about 20% of the Baiga land falls in the proposed corridor, which is about 600 kms by 80 kms in size.

However, District Collector Chhavi Bhardwaj believes that no such thing will happen. “Evictions happen mostly when human population is found to be living in the core areas of protected forests and there are no such issues with the Baigas, as their area is mostly in the buffer zones,” she told Twocircles,net.

She added, “The administration used a gazette notification passed by the colonial British government which recognised these areas as Baiga Chak (meaning area of Baiga).” Bhardwaj added that there is a lot of ambiguity in defining what ‘habitat’ consists of, and instead the official terminology focuses mainly on what does not come under ‘habitat’. “Through this allocation under Habitat Rights, we are also trying to study how it impacts the Tribals, so that we can work on extending the rights to other villages in the area too,” she added. While the move has of course, drawn criticism from industries, Bhardwaj says that the administration will help other villages claim their rights too and that the state government is actively working towards this.

14 Indian diaspora students picked to compete in top US science contest

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New York: Fourteen students from the Indian diaspora have been selected to compete for $1 million in prizes at the prestigious Intel Science Talent Search Competition this year by fielding high-level projects ranging from cancer vaccines to complex mathematical theories.

They are among the 40 US high school students who made it to the finals of the competition sponsored by Intel Corporation and conducted by the Society for Science & the Public.

Announcing finalists chosen from among 300 semi-finalists from across the nation Wednesday, the president of the society, Maya Ajmera, said, "Finalists of the Intel Science Talent Search are the innovators of the future."

"Their research projects range from highly theoretical basic research to innovative practical applications aimed at solving the most vexing problems," she added.

Last year two Indian-Americans won second place medals and two others, third place medals in the competition.

The finalists will travel to Washington in March for the competition that will award a total of more that $1 million in prizes fron the Intel Foundation.

The previous winners of the Science Talent Search competition include 12 Nobel laureates, two Fields Medals awardees and 18 MacArthur Foundation "Genius" Fellows.

लेखकों ने साहित्य अकादमी अवार्ड वापिस लेने शुरू किए

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By TwoCircles.net Staff Reporter

नई दिल्ली: लंबा वक़्त नहीं बीता जब विचारकों और लेखकों ने एमएम कलबुर्गी, नरेन्द्र दाभोलकर और गोविन्द पान्सारे की हत्याओं और उन पर सरकार की निष्क्रियता के विरोध में सरकार को साहित्य अकादमी पुरस्कार लौटा दिए थे. ज्ञात हो कि ऐसे लेखकों की कुल संख्या चालीस के ऊपर थी.


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लेकिन मौजूदा हालात बताते हैं कि लेखकों ने अपने मन बदल लिए हैं, और अवार्ड वापिस लेना शुरू कर दिया है. इस कड़ी में पहला नाम नयनतारा सहगल का है. नयनतारा सहगल के बाद राजस्थानी लेखक नन्द भारद्वाज ने भी अपना पुरस्कार वापिस ले लिया है.

दरअसल, साहित्य अकादमी की नियमावली में पुरस्कार वापिस ले लेने का कोई प्रावधान नहीं है. अकादमी ने यही बात पुरस्कार लौटाने वाले सभी लेखकों को पत्र लिखकर कही है. जिनमें से नयनतारा सहगल और नन्द भारद्वाज राजी हो गये हैं.

हिन्दुस्तान टाइम्स से बातचीत के दौरान पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू की भांजी नयनतारा सहगल ने कहा है कि अकादमी मुझे पुरस्कार इसलिए वापिस कर रही है कि उनके पास पुरस्कार को वापिस ले लेने का कोई नियम नहीं है.

पुरस्कार के साथ-साथ अकादमी ने एक लाख रूपए की सम्मान राशि भी वापिस कर दी है, जिसके बारे में नयनतारा सहगल का कहना है कि इन रुपयों का इस्तेमाल वे किसी कल्याणकारी काम में करेंगी.

नन्द भारद्वाज ने पुरस्कार वापिस लेने का कारण स्पष्ट करते हुए कहा है कि वे लेखकों की हत्याओं पर अकादमी की कार्रवाई से संतुष्ट हैं. अकादमी ने सभी लेखकों को पात्र भेज तो दिया है, लेकिन इन दो प्रतिक्रियाओं के अलावा अन्य कोई भी प्रतिक्रिया सामने नहीं आई है.

इधर दूसरी तरफ सोशल मीडिया पर नयनतारा सहगल और नन्द भारद्वाज की इस हरक़त से आलोचनात्मक प्रतिक्रियाएं सामने आ रही हैं.

Netaji must be given 'Leader of the Nation' title: Mamata

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Kolkata: West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee said on Saturday Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose "must be given the title (of) Leader of the Nation", minutes after Prime Minister Narendra Modi declassified a set of files relating to the freedom fighter.

"Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose must be given the title 'Leader of the Nation'. He deserves that honour," she tweeted.

"We believe that the truth about the last days of Netaji must come out through documentation and proof.

"It is our responsibility towards the young and future generation to share with them the truth...," the Trinamool Congress chief said in a series of tweets.

Netaji, one of the leading lights of the Indian freedom struggle, set up the INA during World War II to take on the British Indian Army.

A former Congress president and once a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi, Bose's reported death in a plane crash in Formosa, now Taiwan, in 1945 has remained a mystery.

Netaji's 'death' being used for petty politics: Amartya Sen

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Kolkata: The circumstances of the "death" of Subhas Chandra Bose are being used for petty politics at a time when India badly needs Netaji's vision of justice, Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen said on Saturday.

On a day when the Narendra Modi government declassified secret files on Netaji, Sen said it was "peculiar" that some believed that the files would reveal the Congress leadership's hand in Netaji's "death".

"The circumstances of the death are sometimes made the way for producing an element of petty minded politics. The sole idea that somehow it would come out that the leadership of the Congress had a special role in the end of Subhas Bose's life would be a rather peculiar story," said Sen.

Speaking on the occasion of Netaji's birth anniversary celebrations here, Sen seemed to favour historian Leonard Gordon's theory that Bose died in a plane crash in 1945.

"I don't have the expertise which Gordon has. He may be right. I think he is. But some think he is not. But this is not an issue of history rather than that of antiquarian interest."

Sen said importance of life was enormously greater than the importance of the circumstances of the death of a person.

"Whether he died in the plane crash or he died somewhere else, it would be hard to think that he is alive," he said.

"All those who treat him like some sort of a Hindu sadhu (hermit), it seems that they have a profound misunderstanding of the person that Netaji was," Sen said, referring to the claim that Bose lived incognito as "Gumnami Baba" in Uttar Pradesh's Faizabad.

While he expressed his interest in knowing the contents of the declassified files, Sen asserted that Netaji's vision of justice and equity was the need of the hour when the country was experiencing increased communal division.

"All are very keen on what these files will bring out, all are interested to know what actually happened to him. I am also interested."

But that was nothing compared to the grandness of the vision that Netaji had, Sen said.

"People want to know what happened to him, but we know what his vision was."

"His vision of justice and equity continue to be profound and we need it in every sphere of life, especially when in the country a sense of division is being cultivated on communal lines," added Sen.

Modi presents bravery awards to 25 children

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New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday presented the National Bravery Awards to 25 children here.

He congratulated the children along with their parents for their bravery to help "fellow human beings in distress", an official statement said.

Modi said that presence of mind, quick thinking, selfless determination and sensitivity for fellow human beings in distress were the most important elements of the acts of bravery of these children.

“For the award winners, this act of bravery should not become an end in itself. Life must continue to evolve and the children should continue to develop their careers and continue to serve society to the best of their abilities,” the prime minister said.

He said that the book 'Life progression of ICCW (Indian Council for Child Welfare) National Bravery Awardees' he released on Sunday touched upon these aspects.

Minister for Women and Child Development Maneka Gandhi was also present on the occasion.

The National Bravery Award scheme was initiated by the ICCW to give due recognition to children who distinguish themselves by performing outstanding deeds of bravery and meritorious service and to inspire other children to emulate their examples.

AMU alumni band ‘ANTIM’ to release its composition of National Anthem on Republic Day

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By Abdul Gani, TwoCircles.net

New Delhi: A music band formed by the alumni of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has come up with a latest composition of National Anthem that it is going to release on the auspicious occasion of Republic Day.

ANTIM, is the band comprising of a lawyer, an artist, an engineer, a doctor and an architect - all being the alumni of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). It has developed composition -- a soulful rendition of the Indian National Anthem, meant as a tribute to the nation, just as the famous A R Rahman once did, on the Republic day.

The band will release this composition on its YouTube channel and the Facebook page on January 26 when the nation will be celebrating 67th Republic Day.

This band has already struck a chord with its young listeners across the country with its beautiful renditions and original songs, with elements of fusion music inherent and apparent in it.

ANTIM BAND PICTURE

“The National Anthem is a challenge as far as the percussion work is concerned. I had to keep in mind the format of the

Anthem and still sound different than a Classic military drummer. I have tried to keep it as simple as possible with some subtle experiments in triplet notes here and there,” Fahad Zuberi, one of the band members said on the challenges he faced while creating the percussions.

He also said, “Our music is based on the concept of doing something that is not obvious; to create an element of surprise for the audience”.

After a stint of hugely successful performances in the Aligarh Muslim University, these erstwhile members of the Fusion Music Club created their band called ANTIM, which emerged as they graduated into professionals in their respective fields from AMU.

Their progressive and experimental fusion music intricately yet simply weaves jazz, reggae, Arabic, thrash metal, Classical and Western genre elements which result in stellar compositions.

As TwoCircles.net talk with them about this project, the visibly excited band is busy applying the finishing touches to their composition, which is a reinterpreted chord and percussion arrangement. The members thus deconstruct their song and explain it enthusiastically.

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“For composing a good song it is very important to explore every genre of music. When we listen to a song, we notice several changes that occur (and) that normally flow with the melody of the piece. These changes are musical progressions. Learning basic chords is very important; all the chords fall into place as you learn more about the instrument that you play. We wanted to give our own interpretation to the anthem. We looked at all the rules concerning playing it, and then went ahead with creating our tune,” Jeff Foster, another band member said on the composition of the Anthem.

Anam Zafar, vocalist feels it was crucial for her because it happens to be the National Anthem.

“The true feel of any song is reflected by how well the artist connects to it, and how well the listeners connect to the artists. To make the songs more soulful, good use of back vocals also becomes necessary, which in turn involves good knowledge for the technicalities of singing. We try to make our music with quality and be pretty different from the mainstream,” said Zafar.

The Journey of ANTIM

Fahad Zuberi, a student of Architecture along with Aamir Ahmad, a student of Mechanical Engineering, and Hilal Umar, a student of Electronics Engineering, were playing music together since 2010 and started jamming at the Cultural Education Centre, AMU with Nabeel Firoz, a student of Medicine at AMU and the secretary of the Fusion Music Club at the time.

ANTIM was formally formed in 2012.

The year 2012-2013 saw Firoz leading from the front on vocals and guitars and on most of the band's music production and compositions. The band collaborated with the artistes from the Indian music club in the Cultural Education Centre at the AMU in the early stages. Soon, vocalist and artist Jeff Foster, a student of fine arts and Zafar, a student of law joined the band.

Performing for the first time on December 31, 2012 the band soon gained wide recognition and critical acclaim in the region.

The year 2012 thus became the birth-year for the band and it continued to play in shows and other events at CEC, and outside the University as well.

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Year 2013 started with the appointment of Zuberi as the club's secretary and the band experimenting on the newly bought instruments. The members soon learned these instruments and started jamming.

After two months of jam sessions and experimenting, the band performed a historic two hour concert on October 26, 2013 with a jam packed Kennedy Auditorium. The band improvised many contemporary tracks into Jazz, Blues, Flamenco and Metal music. This show raised the level at which music was being made and performed in the campus.

The band's style and strategies used in the show, then, became the guidelines for the concerts of other clubs at CEC as well. The band subsequently performed various other shows and conducted workshops, created instrumentals with Sitar Ustad Rafat Khan Niazi and Sarangi artist Suhail Yusuf Khan. The session ended with ‘El Vintro Unplugged’, a concert where the band presented its acoustic recreations of contemporary and classic tracks.

Year 2014 saw the appointment of Jeff Foster as the secretary of the club that the band was associated with. This association ended in 2015 when all the members graduated from the AMU.

The band is now based in New Delhi and jams regularly. The band's philosophy, as it claims, is that of a structured and disciplined approach to music, hard work and respect for other genres, exploring the abilities of oneself in more than one instrument and staying true to their music.


The half widows of Kashmir: A story of endless wait and hardships

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In the second of the three-part series, Raqib Hameed Naik looks at the condition of half-widows in Kashmir, and their struggles. While some have moved on and others wait, almost all of them have faced the same issues: rejection, a never-ending wait and zero support from the state.

Read Part one here:Armed with a pictures that tell a thousand words: The protestors of Pratap Park

Srinagar:The case of ‘half widows’, a product of unending conflict in Kashmir, remains under reported in mainstream media. After Kashmir erupted against the rigged elections of 1987, many Kashmiris picked up guns to fight against the Indian establishment.

The Indian government too decided to deal with an iron fist against the uprising to put a curb on Kashmiris joining militancy. As the crackdown on militants started in early 90s, jails and torture centers of different Indian security agencies in Kashmir became occupied with alleged militants and thousands of sympathisers picked up on mere suspicion.

According to the conservative estimates, there are around 8,000-10,000 cases of involuntary and enforced disappearances in Kashmir mainly attributed to be the work of Indian security establishments since the onset of militancy.

The disappearances which continued unabated during 1990s created a sub group of widows who were called ‘Half widows,’ a term for women who did not know whether their husbands were dead or alive.

Like forced disappearances, the numbers of half widows too remain unconfirmed. While the Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JCCS) puts the figure at around 1,500, others put the number between 2,000 and 2,500.

Naseema Begum, a Half Widow

Most of half widows were surrounded by various emotional, economic and social insecurities after their husbands went missing. But the biggest problem faced by almost every half widow was raising their children and financing their education, for which they ventured out of their homes and worked as labour, apart from doing odd jobs in factories, offices and shops.

“After the disappearance of my husband, I lost my lone bread earner. The financial condition at home left me with no other option than to work. You can’t stand back and witness the things from getting bad to worse. Presently, I am working at a book depot which fetches me Rs 3,000 per month. I know it isn’t sufficient, but for us something is better than nothing,” says Safiya Azad, 40, a half widow whose husband Himayoun Azad went missing in 1993 after picked up by BSF.

Ezabir Ali, a prominent women rights activist who is working on half widows for the last seven years, says the pressure is made worse by a sense of loneliness. “After their husbands went missing, they were left alone with nobody around them with whom they can share their pain and sorrow,” she says.

The bureaucracy also refused to acknowledge them. In Jammu and Kashmir, while widows are eligible for some compensation under civil law, a half widow couldn’t lay claim to compensation. For that, she had to produce the death certificate of her husband, which she couldn’t because, well, she didn’t know whether he is dead or alive.

Some of them were even deserted by their in-laws who, after the disappearance of their husband, coerced them to return to their parents thus undermining their property rights.

Safiya Dawood, a Half Widow

“Some years after the disappearance of my husband I along with my four children was asked by my in-laws to leave their house. They didn’t acknowledge our rights over the property of my husband. But I stood the test of times and fought continuously for 14 years to get my children their rights over property. In 2014 we were given our part in property after Mohallah Panchayat intervened but all half widows aren’t too courageous. Sometimes they bow down to pressure,” says Rafiqa Begum,44, a half-widow whose husband Mushtaq Ahmed Khan was picked up by Army in 1997.

The Chairperson of Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) Parveena Ahangar, says, “Most of the half widow cases available with us show that they aren’t given property rights by their in-laws, which she is entitled to, being the wife of the missing husband. There are some cases where women do move on with their lives by re marrying, but most of the women opt to spend their lives as half widows by waiting for their missing husbands with makes them more vulnerable to hardships in the backdrop of violation of their property rights by their in-laws.”

A non government organisation, Ehsaas, in 2015 had initiated some steps related to property rights of women with special reference to half widows and orphans by organising a deliberative session of Islamic scholars (Ulemas) in Srinagar in which a landmark break through is expected soon.

The same NGO earlier in 2013 was instrumental in bringing a landmark consensus regarding the waiting period for half-widows which was decided as four years after rounds of consultations among local Islamic scholars.

There was ambiguity among different Islamic schools of thought regarding the waiting period of ‘half widows’ who intended to remarry. The Hanafi School claims 90 years as waiting period after the husband’s disappearance while the Maliki, Hanbali and Shafi school scholars put the waiting period ranging from an years and to seven years.

“For half widows waiting and forgetting is painful, but not knowing which to do is the worst kind of suffering which they endure,” says Ali.

Almost all the half widows demonstrated anxiousness and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) after the disappearance of their husbands mostly actuated by their memories.

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“Most half widows reported anxiety, often described as “gabrahat” (palpitations), sleep disorders and lack of interest in everyday activities. To ease these problems, most of these women have resorted to self-medication, consuming easily available anti-depressants, resulting in further health issues,” explains Ali.

For, many half widows, remarrying is similar to breach of trust with their missing husbands who have decided to fight the hardships single handedly by waiting for their husbands to return even if it takes decades. Now, on the tenth of every month, half widows along with the relatives of other missing persons join silent protest in Partap Park, near city center Lal Chowk to seek the justice and answers on whereabouts of their loved ones.

Smokers who quit 15 years ago still at high lung cancer risk

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New York: People who kicked the butt as long as 15 years ago are still at high risk for lung cancer and should be screened, warn researchers.

The current lung cancer screening criteria set by the US Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) recommends CT screening for adults between ages 55 and 80 who have smoked at least one pack a day for 30 years and are still smoking or have quit within 15 years.

In a new study, lead author Ping Yang, epidemiologist at Mayo Clinic Cancer Centre, and colleagues found that two-thirds of patients with newly diagnosed lung cancer would not meet the current USPSTF screening criteria, suggesting a need to adjust the definition of patients at high risk.

They found that compared to other risk categories, patients who quit smoking for 15 to 30 years accounted for the greatest percentage of patients with lung cancer who didn't qualify for screening.

"We were surprised to find that the incidence of lung cancer was proportionally higher in this subgroup, compared to other subgroups of former cigarette smokers," Yang noted.

The common assumption is that after a person has quit for so many years, the lung cancer rate would be so low that it wouldn't be noticeable.

"We found that assumption to be wrong. This suggests we need to pay attention to people who quit smoking more than 15 years ago, because they are still at high risk for developing lung cancer," Yang added in a paper published in the Journal of Thoracic Oncology.

Equally important, the findings showed that expanding the criteria for CT screening would save more lives with an acceptable amount of radiation exposure and cost.

If true in large populations, the authors recommend that policymakers should consider changing the lung cancer screening guidelines to include people who quit smoking more than 15 years ago.

Married at 17, ‘Half widowed’ at 18: Safiya Azad continues to wait even after 23 years

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In the last part of the three-part series, Raqib Hameed Naik narrates five personal stories of half-widows who saw their husbands picked up by Indian Security Forces, never to return. This is the story of Safiya Azad.

Read Part-I here:Armed with a pictures that tell a thousand words: The protestors of Pratap Park

Read Part-II here:The half widows of Kashmir: A story of endless wait and hardships

Rajbagh (Srinagar): The month of April is a signal of the change in weather in Kashmir, with cold, grey afternoons making way from crisp sunshine and clear skies. On April 20, 1993, Srinagar witnessed one such afternoon. In the Kursoo Rajbagh Area, the family of Himayoun Azad started their day early, like always, with male members leaving for their respective businesses.

Himayoun, the youngest among eight siblings wanted to visit his sister, who was married and lived in Lasjan, another area of Srinagar.

What happened during the day was to change the lives of the Azad family forever.

Himayoun Azad, then 22 years old, was the son of Ghulam Rasool Dar, who was a retired forest ranger and died when his youngest child was just two. But for Himayoun, life had begun again, or so it seemed. A year and a half ago, he had got married to Safiya, 17, who was also a relative. The two had a child six months earlier, and was named Dawood.

Himayoun Azad

Himayoun Azad

At around one in the afternoon, he decided to leave for Lasjan in his family car along with a friend. Before leaving, he asked his mother, Badkshan Begum, who was then in her 60’s, to wait for his return for lunch as his wife Safiya along with his six month old infant had gone to join her relatives for a ring ceremony in the vicinity.

Those words would haunt his mother for the rest of her life.

As Azad and his friend reached a picket on the Mehjoor Nagar Bridge--a five-minute drive from their residence--the soldiers of the 137th Battalion of the Border Security Force (BSF) stopped them and asked them for identities.

On examining the identity card of Himayoun, the guards dragged him out of the car, claiming they had prior information about his travel. The BSF soldiers bundled him into their vehicle and took him straight to their camp which was then located near New Convent school, Rajbagh.

A neighbor of Himayoun, who was witnessing these events from the other side of bridge, went straight to Azad’s wife and mother to inform them about what had happened. As the family members ran towards the bridge, they found his abandoned car. He had of course, already been taken to the BSF camp.

“While leaving for the ceremony, my husband had told me that he will come to join us in evening and these were his last words to me which have been echoing in my mind since last two decades,” says Himayoun’s wife Safiya.

The family members of Azad went to police station in Rajbagh to register a First Information Report (FIR) but they were directed to go to the Police station Sadar. The cops at the Rajbagh said they were powerless since the incident hadn’t happened in their jurisdiction. Without losing time, the family went to the concerned police station and registered an FIR against the BSF.

When they were heading back to their home, the alleys and roads surrounding their house were full of security forces. “I had never seen that much soldiers in my entire life. They didn’t allow us to go inside. After some time, a solider came outside on the direction of their Commanding Officer Sabarwal and asked me and my mother-in-law to come in,” recalls Safiya.

Safiya was locked inside the room where she saw that her other family members had already been confined. Azad’s mother was taken by the officer, and she saw Himayoun detained. He had been severely tortured and couldn’t stand. After being taken to the camp, where he was tortured, he had been brought back by the forces to his house.

3

Safiya Azad

Safia recalls officer Sabarwal’s words to her mother-in-law, “Agar bete ki Zindagi chaia toh ghar mai jo bhi hai dedo (If you want to see your son alive then give whatever you have in your house).”

The BSF personnel’s searched every corner of the house but found no ammunition. They took away one lakh rupees meant for the family’s business investment.

When the security forces were taking Himayoun back to the camp, he asked his mother, “Ammi, Dawood (his six months infant son) ko niche lao (Mother, bring Dawood downstairs)”. By the time she could bring the infant downstairs to let Himayoun have a look at his son, he had been taken back to the BSF camp. This was to be the last time anyone from his family saw Himayoun.

The house of Mehbooba Mufti

Dal Lake is Sringar’s postcard picture. The Lake and its shikaras have long adorned many paintings, posters, calendars and personal memories for people from far and near. In the early 90s however, the Lake also a painful witness to the struggles of Kashmiris, and the serene waters of the lake saw blood, misery and torture; the last, right on its banks. Papa II was the inglorious name of an inglorious interrogation centre, the dreaded place where Himayoun was shifted to.

For the Azads, there was to be no respite. “We arranged meeting slips from Police Control room in Batamaloo, Srinagar, to meet my husband. When we went to Papa II, they rejected his presence outright in the torture centre, even though his name was present in a list of people in their custody and pasted on the notice board of torture centre,” says Safia.

As days turned into weeks, there was no word about him from anywhere. Then one day in May, 1993, the family got a ray of hope. Mind you, this was Kashmir in the early 90s; even “hope” has a dark side to it. The family came to know that a neighboring youth had also been locked in the torture centre Papa II. Safiya, along with her family members, went to meet the youths after obtaining meeting slips. The youth informed them that Himayoun was in the torture center for 12 days and later taken away by some BSF officer.

Papa II continued until 1996, when the United Front government came to power and shut down most such centres. In the cruel, dark and twisted tale of Kashmir, the memory of Papa II however, survives. It is now the residence of Member Parliament and in all probability, the next Chief Minister of Jammu & Kashmir--Mehbooba Mufti.

It was the last time anybody had seen Himauyoun. The family went to almost every security force camps and police lockups across the state, but every time to return back home empty handed. “Till 2000 we used to get clues from people. He is here; he is there. On visiting those places, we wouldn’t find him,” says Safiya.

The family fought the case legally till 1996, where BSF had initially accepted detaining him up but later retracted from its statement claiming that he ran away from the custody while he was being taken to the Arina border sector in Jammu for a raid. “If he had run away, he would have contacted us. But he didn’t. So, it exposes their lies,” says Safiya.

While the search for Himayoun continued, the family was unable to pursue the case further as Himayoun’s mother fell seriously ill. Unable to cope with the loss of her son, she died due to cancer in 1999.For Safiya, the year marked the beginning of financial crunch as her mother in law had died who used to take care of her and her son’s education.

Safiya, who had studied up to the 10th standard, started looking out for low-paying jobs in factories, offices and schools where she worked to support the education and food for her only son, Dawood.

Safiya Himayoun the wife of enforced disappearance victim Himayoun Azad

So, to make ends meet, she started working in a local private kindergarten school where she looked after the admission work. She continued to live with her brother in-laws who live jointly, but everyone has been now been given a one-room kitchen as a part in property.

In 2014 floods, she lost all her possessions to the floods, and had to start all over again.

Presently, she is working in a book depot and earns Rs 3,000 per month which she considers insufficient for meeting day-to-day expenses. “This is the only source of my income. But more importantly, it keeps my mind stays occupied with something. Otherwise, the whole day my husband memory haunts me.”

Some years after her husband disappeared, she was asked to remarry, but she refused and continued to live a life of ‘half widow’ believing that her husband will return back home one day. “You know how it feels when a vital body organ is missing? Whenever I think about my husband, I feel like that. It gives me thoughts of killing myself. I could have killed myself, but I am only living so that my son doesn’t suffer,” says Safiya.

As tears started rolling down her eyes, she added, “After marriage every girl has a dream and my dreams went away with my husband, Himayoun .I was even ready to accept that despite in innocence, he would be kept in a jail. At least, I could see his face once every month.”

We ‘half widows’, says Safiya, can’t even share our emotional state with someone and instead learn to bury our pain and sorrows in our hearts and slowly die on the inside.

Her son, Dawood Himayoun is now a 23-year-old graduate and has done a course in hotel management .He wanted to continue his study by enrolling for Chartered Accountancy, but lack of funds forced him to give up his plans midway. He is now looking for a job to support her mother financially, as she hasn’t been keeping well for some time. “If Abu (father) would have been with us, we could have lived a happy life. There is always a feeling that something is missing from our lives,” says Dawood.

Dawood has plans to move to some Gulf country to get a job in a hotel, as he feels Hotel management has no scope in Jammu and Kashmir. However, he has no money to pay the agent to get him a job in the Gulf, which is worrying and giving him sleepless nights.

Safiya is now one of the hundreds who take off a day from work to join Parveena Ahangar and the members of Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) on the 10th of every month at Pratap Chowk, near Lal Chowk. Like others, she too carries a picture of Himayoun Azad, her husband, seeking answers from government.

It has now been 23 years since Himayoun’s involuntary and enforced disappearance. But the mother-son duo, Safiya and Dawood, are still anticipating his return. “My heart never believed that anything has happened to him. I am still hopeful that he will return someday,” she added.

वंचितों के तालीम के मसीहा पद्मश्री डॉ. सैय्यद हसन

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By Afroz Alam Sahil, TwoCircles.net

सदी के महान शिक्षाविद डॉ ज़ाकिर हुसैन ने कभी कहा था -

‘हमारे देश को गर्म खून नहीं चाहिए जो हमारी गर्दन से रिसे, बल्कि माथे का पसीना चाहिए जो साल के बारहों महीने बहता रहे. अच्छे काम, गंभीर काम करने की ज़रूरत है. किसान की टूटी हुई झोपड़ियों से, कारीगर की अंधेरी छत से और एक गांव के बेकार स्कूल से हमारे भविष्य या बनेंगे या तो बिगड़ेंगे. राजनीतिक झगड़ों को एक या दो दिन में सभा-सम्मेलन करके सुलझाना मुमकिन है, लेकिन वह जगहें जिन्हें हमने लक्षित किया है, वह सदियों से हमारे भाग्य का केन्द्र रही हैं. इन क्षेत्रों में काम करने के लिए धैर्य और दृढ़ता चाहिए. यह मेहनत का और बिना नतीज़ों वाला काम है. इसका नतीजा जल्दी आने वाला नहीं है. लेकिन हां, जो देर तक इस रास्ते पर काम करेगा, उसे सकारात्मक परिणाम ज़रूर मिलेंगे.’

ज़ाकिर हुसैन के इस कथन पर देश व सरकार ने चाहे अमल किया हो या न किया हो, लेकिन ज़ाकिर हुसैन के शागिर्द रहे पदमश्री डॉ. सैय्यद हसन ने इस बात की गांठ ज़रूर बांध ली थी.

भारत में ऐसे बहुत सारे ‘गुदड़ी के लाल’ हैं, जो संसार के तमाम सुख-सुविधाओं को त्याग चुपचाप एक कोने में रहकर अपना काम करते रहते हैं. इनका जितना कम नाम होता है, उनका काम उतना ही महान, उतना ही लोकोपकारी.

इन्हीं नामों में से एक नाम है –डॉ. सैय्यद हसन... यह वो नाम है, जो गरीबों, पिछड़ों और बेसहारों के लिए उम्मीद के सूरज जैसा है.
दरअसल, डॉ. हसन एक ऐसी शख़्सियत थे, जिन्होंने अपनी सारी उम्र, अपनी सम्पूर्ण प्रतिभा और अपने सारे संसाधन गरीबों, पिछड़ों, मज़लूमों व खासकर मुसलमानों की तालीम की ख़ातिर खर्च कर दी.

डॉ. हसन का जन्म 30 सितम्बर, 1924 में बिहार के जहानाबाद में हुआ था. 10 साल की उम्र में वे दिल्ली के जामिया मिल्लिया इस्लामिया आ गए. जामिया से ही उर्दू मीडियम में मैट्रिक की तालीम हासिल की. फिर बारहवीं व ग्रेजुएशन की पढ़ाई भी उन्होंने जामिया से ही हासिल की. जामिया में वे ज़ाकिर हुसैन के ख़ास शागिर्दों में से एक थे.

यू-ट्यूब पर मौजूद एक इंटरव्यू में डॉ. हसन बताते हैं, ‘जब वे छठी क्लास में थे तो ‘उर्दू की छठी किताब’ पढ़ी थी. जो उस समय दर्स-ए-उस्मानिया, हैदराबाद से छपी थी. किताब का पहला सबक़ ‘वसूले-इल्म और गैरों की जद्दोजहद’ था. इस सबक़ में बताया गया था कि जापान देश तरक़्क़ी पर क्यों है? उसकी एक बड़ी वजह ये है कि उनके नौजवान बड़ी तादाद में विदेश जाते हैं. विदेश जाकर वहां तालीम व अपने काम का तजुर्बा हासिल करके वापस आकर अपने देश की सेवा में लग जाते हैं.’

वो आगे बताते हैं, ‘हमने सोचा कि जब जापान का युवा यह कर सकता है तो फिर हिन्दुस्तान का नौजवान यह क्यों नहीं कर सकता? और कोई करे या न करे, मैं भी तो हिन्दुस्तानी हूं. मैं ही क्यों न करूं? यह ख़्याल मेरे मन में 1938 में ही आ गया था. उस समय मैं छठी क्लास का स्टूडेन्ट था.’

डॉ. हसन यह भी बताते हैं कि उर्दू की यह किताब रामलाल वर्मा ने लिखी थी. ऐसे में सबको समझ लेना चाहिए कि ये उर्दू हिन्दू-मुसलमानों दोनों के लिए एक है.

डॉ. हसन खेल-कूद में काफी आगे रहे. उन्होंने स्पोर्ट्स में जामिया को न सिर्फ़ रिप्रेजेन्ट किया, बल्कि बाद में वो स्पोर्ट्स के इंचार्ज भी रहे. इतना ही नहीं, इनकी सलाहियतों को देखते हुए इन्हें जामिया के प्राईमरी स्कूल का हेडमास्टर भी बना दिया गया.

वे आगे बताते हैं, ‘आज़ादी के बाद मुझे जामिया की ओर से पुर्णिया भेजा गया. मैंने यहां के गरीबी व बदहाली को क़रीब से देखा. इसलिए 1951 में ही फैसला कर लिया था कि किशनगंज में एक स्कूल खोलूंगा. लेकिन यह बात छठी क्लास से ही दिलोदिमाग़ में बैठी थी कि विदेश जाउंगा और वापस आकर अपने देश की सेवा करूंगा. तभी अचानक 1954 में लिंकन यूनिवर्सिटी से स्कॉलरशिप का लेटर आ गया.’

डॉ. हसन के मुताबिक़ वे अमेरिका में 10 साल तक रहे. लेकिन कभी भी रेसिडेंसियल वीज़ा या सीटिजनशिप के लिए अप्लाई नहीं किया. अपने स्टूडेन्ट वीज़ा का ही नवीनीकरण करवाते रहे.

वे आगे बताते हैं, ‘अमेरिका में एसिस्टेंटशिप और फेलोशिप के सहारे पढ़ता और पढ़ाता रहा. वहां बेस्ट टीचर का अवार्ड भी मिला. लेकिन अमेरिका के कारबोनडेल स्थित यूनिवर्सिटी से पीएचईडी की डिग्री मिलते ही मैं अमेरिका से सीधे किशनगंज पहुंच गया.’

किशनगंज में काम करना डॉ. हसन के लिए इतना आसान नहीं था. लेकिन अपने उस्ताद डॉ. ज़ाकिर हुसैन की बातों से वो हमेशा प्रेरणा लेते रहे. डॉ. ज़ाकिर हुसैन ने कभी अर्थशास्त्र की क्लास में पढ़ाया था –‘Start from nothing, character is your asset…’

डॉ. हसन ने शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में अपना काम शुरू किया. शैक्षणिक रूप से पिछड़े इस जिले में शिक्षा की अलख जगाने का बीड़ा उठाते हुए 14 नवंबर 1966 को इंसान स्कूल की स्थापना की. हालांकि उन्हें इसके लिए कई मुश्किलों का सामना करना पड़ा.

वे अपने इंटरव्यू में बताते हैं, ‘यहां के लोग मुझे सीआईए और पाकिस्तान का एजेन्ट समझते थे. सरकार ने भी मेरे पीछे सीआईडी लगा रखी थी. कई बार लोगों ने स्कूल में आग भी लगायी. लेकिन ऊपरवाले की मेहरबानी देखिए... सरकार ने मुझे फिर सेन्ट्रल एडवाईज़री बोर्ड का सदस्य बना दिया. 1986-96 तक मैं बोर्ड का सदस्य रहा. तब जाकर लोगों ने मुझ पर थोड़ा-बहुत ऐतबार करना शुरू किया.’

डॉ. हसन बताते हैं, ‘मैं पॉलिटिकल साईंस का स्टूडेन्ट हूं. मगर सियासत से हमेशा दूर रहा. कभी भी राजनीति में जाने की दिलचस्पी नहीं हुई. कभी किसी मंत्री को मैंने खुद से नहीं बुलाया और न ही मिलने गया...’

सैय्यद भाई के नाम से मशहूर डॉ. सैय्यद हसन एक भारतीय शिक्षाविद्, मानवतावादी और इंसान स्कूल के संस्थापक थे. 2003 में भारत की ओर से नोबेल शांति पुरस्कार के लिए उन्हें नामित किया गया था. भारत सरकार ने 1991 में उन्हें पद्मश्री सम्मान से सम्मानित किया. इसके अलावा शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में सेवाओं के लिए उन्हें जवाहरलाल नेहरू एजुकेशन पुरस्कार से सम्मानित किया गया थे.

डॉ. हसन की शोहरत का आलम यह था कि वे सिर्फ़ देश ही नहीं, बल्कि विदेशों में भी अपने प्रगतिशील विचारों के लिए मशहूर थे. तालीम की रोशनी बांटने वाली जमातों की उन पर ख़ास नज़र थी. उन्हें अमेरिका से कप्पा डेल्टा फी की ओर से दो बार अवार्ड मिला, 1980 में नेहरू लिट्रेसी अवार्ड, 1990 में नेशनल इंट्रिगेशन अवार्ड और वर्ष 1991 में भारत सरकार के द्वारा पद्मश्री अवार्ड से सम्मानित किए गए. 2002 में नेशनल इंट्रिगेशन अवार्ड मीडिया ग्रुप, 2005 में उर्दू वेलफेयर सोसायटी द्वारा लाइफ टाइम सोशल वेलफेयर बोर्ड, 2007 में नेहरू युवा केंद्र द्वारा लाइफ टाइम इंस्पीरेशनल ओनर, 2008 में शिक्षा भारती पुरस्कार के अलावा बैंकॉक में इंटरनेशनल एचीवेंट अवार्ड, बिहार सरकार द्वारा बिहार गौरव अवार्ड एवं अमेरिका में भी उन्हें कई अवार्ड से नवाजा गया.

और इन सबसे बड़ी उपलब्धि यह है कि आज उनके इस इंसान स्कूल से पढ़े हुए छात्र पूरी दुनिया में फैले हुए हैं. जो न सिर्फ देश में बल्कि पूरी दुनिया में अपना नाम रोशन कर रहे हैं. वे बड़े-बड़े ओहदों पर काम कर रहे हैं. जबकि यह सब कभी डॉ. हसन के 'झोपड़ियों का शहर'में रहा करते थे. जिन्हें तराश कर डॉ. हसन हीरा बनाने का काम किया.

डॉ. हसन ने कभी एक इंटरव्यू में कहा था –‘पहले deserve करो, फिर desire रखो.’ हमारी नई नस्ल के लिए डॉ. हसन एक सबक़ की तरह हैं. हर पल, हर लम्हा उनसे सीखने की ज़ररूत है. खासतौर पर तालीम के मैदान में काम करने की ज़रूरत है, क्योंकि डॉ. हसन का कहना था ‘जहालत दूर होने से ही गुरबत दूर हो सकती है...’

आज डॉ. हसन हम सबके बीच में नहीं हैं, लेकिन आज के ऐसे दौर में जब शिक्षा लगातार दौलतमंदों की जागीर बनती जा रही है, डॉ. हसन की कोशिशों का एक नायाब उदाहरण हमारे सामने खुद-ब-खुद आ जाती है. उन्होंने आने वाली पीढ़ी को तालीम से जोड़ने के ख़ातिर नींव मज़बूत करने का बेहद अहम काम किया. उनके योगदान को कभी भी भुलाया नहीं जा सकता है.

ऐसे में राज्य से लेकर केन्द्र सरकार तक - जो शिक्षा को आख़िरी आदमी तक पहुंचाने का दावा तो करती हैं, मगर हक़ीक़त में पत्ता भी हिलता नज़र नहीं आता - को डॉ. हसन की कोशिशों से सीखने की ज़रूरत है, क्योंकि ये सवाल हम सबका नहीं, बल्कि आने वाली पीढ़ियों के मुस्तक़बिल का भी है.






An open letter to Rohith Vemula on behalf of murdered Muslim techie

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By A Mirsab, TwoCircles.net,

The whole country is soothing with sad demise of Rohith Vemula, 26, a research scholar from a Dalit community who was suspended by Hyderabad Central University leading him to commit suicide on January 17 and there are numerous demonstrations continue to be hold at different places condemning the circumstances created at the University that compelled him to take extreme step.

But this is not the first instance when an educated youth from socially and educationally backward background has lost life due to the unprovoked indulgence of people having dominance in the society.


Muhsin Shaikh and Rohith Vemula

The murder of a Muslim techie in Pune by the activists of Hindu radical outfit is another example when an innocent had to face the brunt of others who do not respect humanity and identify every individual only from the religion one follows.

On June 2, 2014 Mohsin Sadiq Shaikh, 24, a resident of Solapur in Maharashtra who was working in an IT company at Pune was assaulted by the members of Hindu Rashtra Sena (HRS) while he was returning from a Mosque to his rented home after offering night prayer at around 9.00 pm. He was allegedly killed after HRS members spotted beard on Shaikh’s face.

As Shaikh is not around and his sudden death has seized him to write anything, I am seeking this as an opportunity on his behalf to write a letter to Rohith.

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Dear Rohith,

I feel very sad that you had to choose this path but I feel you must be contented that at least you could achieve something after your death that you were not able to while alive. Your demise has resulted into many movements against discrimination and supremacy of any single religion or caste.

Like you, I too loved Science, Stars and Nature, but I was shouldered with the responsibilities of my family. I kept my dreams after the duties of my family that consisted of a diabetic father, old mother and a young aspiring brother. I was living and enduring for their betterment first. However, I was not aware that there are people of hatred who are searching to spill blood of people like me.

Your thought ‘The value of a man was reduced to his immediate identity and nearest possibility’ was proved right 18 months before when I was killed by the radicals after spotting my beard. I was beaten by the group black and blue without even telling what my fault was.

Unfortunately, my killing did not result into strong protests across the country else hostile environment might not have been created at Hyderbad University and you would not have to kill yourself.

You feared that people would call you coward for your decision, but let me tell you, neither do people called me courageous to have died with sporting a beard which was a part of my personal belief.

You got a chance to write a letter to the world that echoed behind after your death but I could not even get an opportunity to at least inform my family what is the PIN of my ATM and whom I have borrowed money from.

You could also obtain ‘pseudo’ privilege when Prime Minister Narendra Modi showed sympathy with your mother, though after five days of your death, and if you don’t consider it to be then remember when I died he was silent as if I had no mother or that I was not the Indian citizen.

Another providential thing happened to you soon after you left the world and it was that the Andhra government announced it would offer job to your mother and brother, but for my family it had to run pillar and post for months after the Maharashtra State Mantrayala hoping the fulfillment of promise of a job to my brother made by then Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan that was finally rejected by him.

I am weeping after reading your letter with the thought that I could not get an opportunity to tell my family to maintain dignity by not accepting any kind of compensation that the government would offer in order to buy my death.

I now expect that your sacrifice will enlighten the society to protect precious lives and you are always remembered not as a victim but as a champion against bias.

As I could not get this possibility before my death, I try it now and ask readers of this letter to help my family in sustaining a noble life without daily haunting of my death to them.

I would also request them to not limit you and your letter to mere prosecution of guilty, as like in my case, but to see that people like you and me do not lose life due to coercions and repressions of others.

Dr. Syed Hasan: Life of a humanitarian

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By Saba Syed Hafeez for TwoCircles.net,

Leaving behind a charming life and promising future in America, a humble servant of mankind arrived in the soils of India to Kishanganj exactly 51 years ago in January 1965. He worked tirelessly with the flag of humanity in one hand and the masha’al (torch) of enlightenment in the other hand, touching millions, perhaps indirectly billions, of lives and changing everything around them. Now this khak e zameen (piece of earth) took him in her aaghosh (arms), comforting him in his eternal sleep.


Dr. Hasan in USA 1

Affectionately known as Syed Bhai, the founder of INSAN, Dr. Syed Hasan, left us all in the early hours of Monday, January 25, 2016, for a heavenly abode. Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi raji'oon (To God we belong and to Him we return).

A few years ago, INSAN alumni were compiling their encounters with Dr. Hasan as “What I learned from Syed Bhai”. I am sharing here, perhaps one of my earliest lessons of humanity by my father when I was 7 years old. It was a profound experience which he planted in me.


Dr. Hasan A Humble servant of mankind receiving Padam Shri 1991

When we first settled in Kishanganj, people invited us often to their homes just to join them for a snack or for a meal. One afternoon my father was invited and asked me to come along. Naturally, I thought that it would be with one of elite family. When we arrived at the destination it was a different story. We had come to one of our laborers who used to do most of the painting tasks, especially fences, gates, etc. He was a Bengali Da (fellow). He had a very small and humble hut. I think he was in his 50’s or he might have looked aged due to hardships in his life. His wife prepared some cholay (a snack made of garbanzo beans) and tea for us, then served it neatly as Bengalis, even poor, are famous for their tidiness. The entire time they were gleaming with joy. When we were departing, they thanked us and gave us duayen (blessings) and I saw them crying. Tears were running from their eyes and I could not understand why or what was happening but remained quiet. My father realized this and on our way back he explained:

Ek ghareeb ka dil rakh kar, usey izzat de kar, aap ne use kitni khusi dee (by extending your love and respect to a poor, you gave him great happiness).

Once in a while, perhaps in a century, God blesses humanity with person like Dr. Hasan, who lived such an extraordinary and unparalleled life. If we happen to witness, we are part of the history; if we are touched, it is a profound impact we experience. Dr. Hasan was such a person.

He was born on September 30, 1924 in the small town of Jehanabad in Bihar. His mother named him “Syed” after her mentor, 19th century reformer Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. She personally wanted to study at Aligarh Muslim University but wasn’t allowed. This incident turned her son into a forceful advocate for women’s education later. When he was 10 years old, on his mother’s insistence, the family enrolled him in a school all the way in Delhi at Jamia Millia Islamia.


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From here he started an incredible journey of life. He groomed himself at Jamia and later in America for much higher tasks; having teachers like Dr. Zakir Hussain, who later became the 3rd President of India, spending time with Allama Iqbal and Mahatma Gandhi, sheltering of 200,000 refugees during the pre-independent sectarian violence in Delhi. Afterwards, in his 10 years of stay in America, he experienced the leading economical, educational, and scientific developments and social reforms.

In his 5th grade book he read about the Japanese youths who went abroad for study. They returned home and served in the building of their nation, which kindled his young heart. At the age of 13, after meeting with poet Allama Iqbal, he made a firm decision to serve others and by 18 he had clearly chosen education as a medium to his commitment.

Growing up in India and later in America, he sadly observed a shattered, burning, inhumane world all around him; injustice of colonial British Raj in India, World War ll, The Holocaust, and disparity of human lives, both in India and the U.S, in the name of segregation. However, he also saw rays of hope and was inspired by the non-violent independence movement, peace effort, nation building and other progressive initiatives in India and abroad. He realized that it is human inability to live together in harmony that causes all the miseries, and only through education can we develop a society we would all desire.


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After returning from the U.S. he literally headed to the jungles and then to a small town called Kishanganj at the tri-junction of India, Bangladesh and Nepal. With this, the service phase of his journey began! That was 51 years ago, when there were only three colleges in the whole region. Similarly, the number of schools could be counted on the fingers. Today there are more than 50 colleges and 1000s of schools in this region.

For the first two years, he had to do some ground work; campaigning for educational awareness and social uplifting as well as teaching kids and youths in the various settings including madrassas and at homes. He assisted in the foundation of a college and a high school. People were often amazed to see someone in western clothes digging dirt and cutting bamboo for classrooms, or touring tens of miles on feet and walking in mud knee deep just to meet the locals. Many thought he was a spy or perhaps he was total nuts.

He was passionate about his mission and invited others to join him. “Aou aur is divangee mein shareek ho kar iska lutf uthao (Please come and enjoy by participating in this ferver)”, he wrote to his first team member. A poet penned what he was witnessing in the following verses:

Nigah e shoq ne dhondhi hai koi manzil e nau
Muhabbat aur murawwat mein aftaab ki lau
Chand ahle janoon ke janoon ka hai par tau
Na thakne wale qadam ka karishma aye tak dau
Kahein se shahad liya and kahein se itr liya
Phir is qeemti shai ko jehaan mein baan’t diya.

Zealous eyes have found a new destiny
Flame of sun in love and compassion
Relentless intensity of passionate ones
Miracle of untiring legs
Honey and essence from different places
Shared these invaluable gifts to the world

He wanted to spread education and worked tirelessly to do so. He saw “Education [as] light to remove the darkness of the society”. His flagship, INSAN School, became a model and inspiration to many and attracted students from as far as Kolkata and Delhi. But education was much more to him than just obtaining a degree.

"The most valuable resource any society has is Insan - humans themselves; education plays a vital role in developing these precious assets”

He further believed:

“Education is a key in solving some of the challenges we face whether locally or globally"

As the name INSAN, meaning human, reflects, his mission had always been for insaaniyat (humanity).


Dr. Hasan Class 1988 1

Therefore, he turned INSAN into not only a unique educational and social lab, but a platform for humanity. Most people thought of INSAN as a school, or college at best, so they always questioned and were puzzled by an academic institution having such programs like adult literacy, mental health, criminal reform, caring and assisting disadvantaged along with others.

Insaan bane ge hum insan banayen ge
Jeene ke tareeque ab seekhen aur sikhaein ge

Pledging to become and teaching to be humans
Learning, embracing, and teaching ways to live in harmony

So the very first lesson his founding students learned was metaphorically taught. They sang the following song while plucking weeds from the playground at INSAN’s inception on November 14, 1966:

Chun chun kaante door hatao
Prem ke pag pag phool khilao
Dharti ko gulzar banao

Find and remove the thorns (suffering and infliction)
Blossom the flowers of love all around (for everyone)
Let’s make the earth a beautiful garden (of peace and harmony)

He aspired to spread education, reform education, and use education as a tool for humanity. And indeed what a great job he did!

From cleaning toilets to eating with mehters (toilet cleaners) and mazdoors (laborers), he was a down to earth reformer, always a humble servant to humanity. He kept himself away from the limelight and never took a penny for himself from INSAN or any organization or project. Dr. Hasan was a living example of “simple living and high thinking”; he lived a life of extreme modesty. People were taken a back at first, but later admired him. As one reporter described:

“…The most overwhelming experience I encountered was when I was searching for Dr. Hasan. Looking for him, I asked the whereabouts of Dr. Hasan from a laborer doing something on the dirt with knees down. The person, after wiping his hand on the grass, got up, and extended his hand with smile and said people call me Syed Hasan”

He had a deep sense of empathy where he would clean the blood and urine of TB patients, help the mentally challenged and those in need. He employed often more mazdoors (laborers) than needed as he believed of giving them a platform of earning honorably rather than only empty slogans, “…what options would they have otherwise; starve, beg, or steal?”

Jis me na koi hoga nanga na koi bhooka
Ab nai basti hum ayesi basayen ge

None will be hungry or unclothed
Let’s strive now to create such a world

He loved people, particularly students, and students loved him. When he was leaving Jamia for America, everyone was crying; much the same, today all are crying once again. When the student body voted him for the “Teacher of the Year Award”, he told his students in the U.S. “To me as a teacher, this honor means more than earning a Ph.D.”

They also found him to be like a messiah. Often in the evenings, there were people standing in line, mostly poor, who just wanted him to give them some dua'a (prayers). One time, he heard the news of someone’s illness in a tense time of his life during which he received many threats. Against everyone’s advice he asked to rent a rickshaw. As they were passing through empty streets, the rickshaw puller realized Syed Hasan’s situation and, as there was still a large number of people who would protect him over their own lives, said, “Syed Bhai do not worry, hundreds of people of my community will run out when I will call”.

Always committed to his causes with unwavering determination, he would never stop regardless of challenges or obstacles. For example, in 1983 one of the campuses was burnt down. The next day, some of the well wishers and parents came to visit. They were astonished to see that all the classes and the routine work were going on with calm and normalcy. He had told his students and staff, “Kaam rakhon par hoga (the work will continue on ashes)”.

He was a deeply spiritual person, a practicing devout Muslim. His actions and mission have always reflected his deep rooted religious beliefs, and peaceful teachings of all religions. He believed in the goodness of people. When he was in Jamia he was moved to know that when the lives of his own family and other relatives were threatened during the riots, it were the Hindu co-villagers who had formed a wall to save his loved ones from the wrath of their own.

Furthermore, his work was not limited to his own organization or the region. He had also helped in many organizations and projects at both, state and national levels. In addition, he benefited over a billion people throughout the last 40 years because of some of his policies that were adopted by the Government of India.

Locally, from the Kishanganj area to Rajasthan, from Qatar to the US, there are many who are furthering his message of humanity in different parts of the world and working on causes such as education, human trafficking, and homelessness.

As an adamant proponent of human brotherhood and dignity, mutual understanding and tolerance, peaceful coexistence and religious harmony, his Shiksha Nagar, as cited by a national magazine, became “a place to develop humans”, where all can study, work, and live together. He taught the world that everyone is Bhai (brother) or Bajie (sister) whether teacher, student, administrator or street sweeper, regardless of race or religion.

Kuch zaat ho kuch mazhab kuch taur tareeqe hon
Mil jul kar magar rahna hum sub ko sikhaeyen ge

Despite the differences of cast, culture or religion
To reach across and to teach how to live with amity

And what a beautiful lesson he gave us. During his burial service, in the midst of the ocean of people, everyone was anxious to give a shoulder to carry his body towards his final destination, regardless of their religion.

All this happened due to one teen aged boy who made a firm commitment to serve fellow insan (humans). What a phenomenal journey!

As an educator, he was an open book to be learned. As a humanitarian, he was a walking inspiration to be followed.

(Saba Syed Hafeez is the Son of Syed Bhai)

19 years and counting: the tale of Naseema Begum’s wait for her missing husband

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In the second of the five personal stories of half widows, Raqib Hameed Naik narrates the story of Naseema Dar.

Read Part-I here:Armed with a pictures that tell a thousand words: The protestors of Pratap Park

Read Part-II here:The half widows of Kashmir: A story of endless wait and hardships

Read Part-III here:Married at 17, ‘Half widowed’ at 18: Safiya Azad continues to wait even after 23 years

Tengpora (Srinagar): On April 19, 1997, the Dar family of Mumin Abad, Tengpora, Srinagar, had had a tiring day. It was the second day of Eid-al-Adha, after visiting neighbours and relatives, the family of Razzaq Dar decided to call it an early day and his son, 34-year-old Mehraj-ud-din Dar, followed his father’s orders.

Mehraj U Din Dar

Mehraj U Din Dar

Mehraj-ud-din had been a witness to, and a participant in, Kashmir’s uprising in the early 90s. Like thousands of other youth, he too had joined the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF). He was later caught up by the security forces, sent to jail and later released in 1994 after serving his term. As soon he came out of jail, he decided to leave behind his past on the insistence of his wife Naseema Begum and opened a shoe shop near his locality, which became the sole source of earning for his family. But the ex-militant could not shake off his past, and this was to play a detrimental on the night of April 19.

Just as Mehraj had thought he had dozed off, he heard the sounds of jackboots passing through the alleys which were close to his house. Within a few minutes, the air was heavy with cries from a neighbouring house, where army men were interrogating the occupants. As the cries intensified, the Dar family got more restless. They knew that this could not augur well for them, and grew restless with passing time. Mehraj feared the worst; he had all the reasons to do so.

It was just nine months ago that Mehraj was blessed with a baby boy after eight years of marriage. The hour needle touched 3, and as his child slept next to him and his wife, the sound of boots intensified. Within the next few minutes, Mehraj and Nassema’s life turned for the worst, forever. The 20th Grenadiers, Rashtriya Rifle under the command of a Major, were carrying search operations in Tengpora, localities and had just knocked down the door of the house of the Dars.

The Army men rounded up all family members and locked them inside a single room. The pattern was eerily similar to that of the story of Safiya Azad .

He was taken into another room where he was asked the most common question posed to every arrested Kashmiri in the 90s: Samaan kahaan hain? (Where is the ammunition)” As Mehraj replied in negative to their repeated inquiries, the Army men called his father and asked him for hot water and chilly power to be used in torturing him.

The torture went on unabated for two hours. It was only after the call for Azan, call for prayers in early morning, that the Army men received a message on their wireless communicating devices to return back to the camp located in Boatmen colony in Bemina, Srinagar.

Naseema Begum wife of Mehraj-u-din Dar

Naseema Begum

All of Mehraj’s family members: father, mother, sisters and a brother, who had been locked inside, managed to free themselves after breaking their door but he had already taken away by army men to their camp. The day marked the start of intensive search for Mehraj which continued for over a decade. “After he was picked up by the army, I went to their camp continuously for 10 days but they didn’t even acknowledge that they have picked him up,” says Naseema, the half-widow of Mehraj. Again, the similarity with the case of Safiya Azad is visible. She too, had to suffer the indignity of watching army officials not even acknowledging that her husband was detained, let alone being tortured.

“Later when they realised I am going to come again and again they told me that they will arrange a meeting with my husband but they never did,” added Naseema.

Naseema’s search for her husband never came to halt as she continued to look for him in different army camps in Uri, Baramulla, Pattan and even in Tihar jail but every time to return back with similar replies, “Wo Yahan Nahi Hai(He isn’t here).”

In 2000, the case went in State Human Rights Commission and after six years, the commission directed the government to pay Rs 1 Lakh to the victim’s family and a government job. This was of course, out rightly rejected by the family. “My father-in-law had said to the commission members that ‘give me your son and take Rs 2 lakh’,” says Naseema.

The disappearance of Mehraj marked the start of hardships for Naseema, as she was left alone to raise and support the education of his son and a daughter, who was born some months after his disappearance.

Months after the disappearance of his husband, Naseema was asked by her father-in-law to leave the house. As we had mentioned in Part 2 of the series, this is a common problem faced by many half widows. Naseema returned to her parents in Mansbal and they helped her financially apart from of course, the emotional support. It was only in 2005 when his brother-in-law came to her rescue. “He came to my parents place for inviting me for his marriage. I went there along with my kids. After marriage, he and his wife asked us to live with them. It was only then that my father-in-law gave me a single room to sleep and cook out of the eight-room house.”

Naseema's 16 year old daughter, Shabnum Mehraj

Shabnum Mehraj,16 year old daughter of Naseema Begum.

Naseema’s son Sahil Mehraj, who at the time of his father’s disappearance was an infant, is now a 17-year-old teenager and completed his matriculation exams recently. He is currently working as salesmen in a local shop which fetches him Rs 1,500 per month. Her daughter Shabnum Mehraj, 16, is studying in 10th standard in a local school.

“We have no other source of income. Initially I used to get help from my parents, then some neighbours used to help us monetarily but that wasn’t sufficient to completely cover the expenses of running this house because my father-in-law don’t helps us financially in any way. It is difficult to survive with so little money, but we hardly have a choice,” says Naseema.

She was told by her family members and in laws to remarry, but she choose to live as ‘half widow’ believing that someday her husband will return and reunite with his family.”All through these years I waited for my husband but he didn’t return.

Now I have lost hope, my only request to the government is: if he is alive hand him over to us. If he is in Jail, let us speak with him. If he is dead, show us his grave,” says Naseema amid tears.

Naseema remembers visiting a senior National Conference leader, Ali Mohammad Sagar to seek his help in finding his missing husband. “When I went to ask him for his help, he told us unsympathetically that he might have gone over to Pakistan and we must stop our search for him. But when we showed him the copy of FIR, he asked us to get out from his chamber.”

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Her only source of comfort, or rather, sharing the pain, is the Pratap Park rally she attends on the 10th of the every month with APDP .

Some months back, Naseema filed a fresh litigation in a Srinagar Court to reinvestigate the disappearance of her husband with the help of APDP. But Naseema and her kids are anticipating the return of Mehraj, even though it has now been close to 19 years. “We can only hope that he is alive, but God knows better where and what has happened with him,” she adds


Prima Facie report by Team of The Independent Peoples Tribunal on death of Rohith Vemula

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By TCN News,

Delhi: The Joint Action Committee for Social Justice had requested the Indian Peoples Tribunal to send a fact finding team to investigate into the death of Rohith Vemula on 17th January 2016 on the Campus of the University of Hyderabad.

A team of Justice (Retd) Justice Suresh H, Sujata Surepalli Editor Desi Disa, US Rao- Chairman CBC Federation, Meena Menon – Writer-Researcher and Senior Advocate Gayatri Singh visited the University of Hyderabad on 25th and 26th of January 2015 and met with students, faculty, friends and family of Rohith Vemula and some of the administration authorities who were available.

The observations of the Fact Finding Team are as below;

1. The death of Rohit Vemula was caused by the acts of omission and commission of the authorities.

2. On 18th December 2015, Rohit along with other members of ASA met the VC and requested to revoke the Order of Suspension and raised the humiliating issue of social boycott. He was pained to know that the VC was adamant and refused to resolve the issue on the spot. Rohit wrote the letter dated 18th December 2015 which indicates his assessment that the students would not get any justice from the Vice Chancellor.

3. The Office of the Vice Chancellor suppressed the letter dated 18th December 2015, refusing to invoke even basic protocols in such situations. This is not only dereliction of duty cast on University Authorities but it also constitutes grave contempt of the Orders of the High Court of Andhra Pradesh & Telangana, particularly in the conduct of the composition of the Committees, procedure mandated for incidents that may lead to expulsion, and appellate provisions thereto.

4. That the Office of the Vice Chancellor allowed the incident of 3 / 4 August 2015 to spiral out of control is shocking. It is evident from the documents on record that Vice Chancellor allowed his office to be pressurized by the Minster of Human Resource and Development to advance their own political agenda.

5. Recommendations of the Proctoral Committee are shocking to say the least. The prohibition by the Committee against students associating in groups transgresses on fundamental protection of association provided within the Constitution. That the Committee could prescribe such a punishment reflects their lack of understanding of the Constitution, and is a matter of concern.

6. That the extended members of the Proctoral Committee were not allowed to deliberate and influence the outcome of the Extended Proctoral Committee exposess the sham it was.

7. The call of the Proctoral Committee to ban all associations on the basis of ideology, Caste, Religion reflects a deep rooted prejudice against politically active students and their associations and goes to root of the matter that ails this university. That the administration can echo a position that is contrary to the fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution is a matter of deep concern.

8. That the Executive Sub Committee constituted by the Vice Chancellor did not take umbrage to the aforesaid observations of the Proctoral Committee casts doubt over the competency of a primafacie extremely prejudiced Executive Sub Committee.

9. The dereliction of duty exhibited by the Office of the Vice Chancellor, to even engage with protesting students, is a clear abdication of his foremost duty to act in the best interest of students.

10. That the University of Hyderabad , failed to take cognisance of recurring suicides by students from rural and marginalised communities is horrifying. That comprehensive investigations were taken up only in some cases is disturbing. That the recommendations of these investigations were ignored, strengthens our resolve that the disregard for students from rural and marginalised communities seems to be a concern that will require systemic correction.

11. That Rohit Vemula was folded into the alleged incident of 3rd August 2015, when he was not even present at the said incident or referred too reflects a pre-set agenda to target him. This is further borne out by the sequence of events which shows the taking cognisance on a complaint by a rank outsider, manipulation of facts, tampering with evidence. That these events followed the intervention of Bandaru Dattaray and the Minister of HRD strengthen our view that the University was not concerned about an impartial investigation but was only keen to bend over backwards to please the Minster of HRD.

12. That students from Rural and Marginalised Communities are denied timely payment of their Fellowships, runs contrary to the purpose and objective of the fellowships. That there is no effective administrative oversight to ensure timely payments to students from rural and marginalised communities, has allowed systemic bias to be perpetuated without any redress. It is obvious that this system enjoys tacit approval of the administration and even some of the faculty members.

13. The continuing and growing incidence of tragic suicides of students belonging to marginalised sections of society makes it imperative that a “Rohith Law’ be enacted, which is the demand of both students of the Joint Action Committee and Rohith’s family. This should ensure punitive action against university administrations guilty of encouragement, abetting or even inaction in the case of the persistence of exclusionary practices in Universities.

रोहित वेमुला के नाम मार डाले गए एक होनहार का ख़त

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By ए मिरसाब, TwoCircles.net

देश में हैदराबाद विश्वविद्यालय के छात्र रोहित वेमुला की मृत्यु के बाद एक शोक और आक्रोश का मिश्रित माहौल है. विश्वविद्यालय प्रशासन द्वारा निकाले जाने के बाद उससे पैदा हुई परिस्थितियों के चलते 26 साल एक रोहित को आत्मह्त्या करनी पड़ी.

लेकिन यह कोई पहली घटना नहीं थी जिसमें शिक्षा और सामाजिकता के पिछड़े तबके से ताल्लुक रखने वाला कोई होनहार इस देश और युवाओं को छोड़कर चला गया. ऐसी घटनाओं में देश के अग्रणी समाज का नाहक दखल और उसके खौफ़नाक परिणाम मुख्य कारण होते हैं.

Rohith Vemula

पुणे के आईटी कंपनी में काम करने वाले मोहसिन सादिक़ शेख़ की ह्त्या भी ऐसी ही एक घटना थी. कट्टरपंथी हिन्दूवादी संगठनों द्वारा मोहसिन सादिक़ शेख़ की हत्या के बाद लगभग ऐसे ही फलसफे सामने आए जैसा रोहित वेमुला की (आत्म)ह्त्या के बाद.

2 जून 2014 को सोलापुर के 24 वर्षीय मोहसिन सादिक़ शेख़ को कट्टरपंथी संगठन हिन्दू राष्ट्र सेना ने उस वक़्त मार दिया गया जब वह रात नौ बजे मस्जिद से नमाज़ अता करने के बाद वापिस लेत रहा था. मोहसिन की ह्त्या के बारे में यह तथ्य प्रचलित हैं कि हिन्दू राष्ट्र सेना के सदस्यों ने मोहसिन के चेहरे पर दाढ़ी देखने के बाद उसे मारने का निर्णय लिया.

अब मोहसिन हम सबके बीच नहीं है. मोहसिन के पास यह मौक़ा भी नहीं था कि वह अपना अंतिम पत्र लिख सके. कि वह ये न लिख सका कि ‘आखिर में बस यह ख़त लिख पा रहा हूं.’ इसे एक बहाने के तरह लेते हुए मैंने जो कुछ लिखा है, वह ‘रोहित वेमुला के नाम मोहसिन सादिक़ शेख़ का ख़त’ है.

प्यारे रोहित,

मुझे ख़ासा गम है कि तुमने इस रास्ते को चुना. लेकिन मुझे कहीं न कहीं यह लगता है कि तुम अपनी मौत के बाद उस उपलब्धि के मिलने पर संतुष्ट हो, जो शायद तुम्हें जीते-जी न मिलती. तुम्हारे जाने के बाद समाज के सभी धर्मों और सभी वर्गों में भेदभाव और सत्तात्मक वर्णव्यवस्था के खिलाफ आन्दोलन हो रहे हैं.

मुझे भी विज्ञान, प्रकृति और तारों-ग्रहों-नक्षत्रों से प्यार था, ठीक तुम्हारी तरह. लेकिन मुझ पर मेरे परिवार की जिम्मेदारियां भी थीं. मैंने अपने सपनों को अपने परिवार से पीछे रखा. ऐसा परिवार, जिसमें तमाम रोगों से जूझता एक बाप, एक बूढ़ी मां और सपने देखने वाला एक छोटा भाई था. उनके जीवन में कुछ बेहतर हो सके, वे अच्छे से जी सकें, यही मेरे जीवन का लक्ष्य था. लेकिन सच कह रहा हूं कि मुझे नहीं पता था कि इस समाज में ऐसे लोग भी हैं जिनमें लोगों के लिए नफ़रत भरी है और उस नफ़रत के तहत वे मुझ जैसे लोगों का खून भी बहा सकते हैं.

इंसान के अस्तित्त्व के बारे में तुमने लिखा था कि वह गिरकर फौरी पहचान और संभावनाओं तक सिमटी रह गयी है. तुम्हारा यह लिखना 18 महीनों पहले ही सही साबित हो गया था जब मुझे कट्टरपंथियों ने सिर्फ़ एक दाढ़ी से खफ़ा होकर मार दिया था. पीटे जाने और जान से मार दिए जाने तक तो मुझे पता ही नहीं था कि मेरी गलती क्या थी?

इसे मेरा दुर्भाग्य ही कहेंगे कि मेरी मौत के बाद देश में कोई भी प्रदर्शन, धरना या अनशन नहीं हुए. बहसें भी ज्यादा नहीं हुईं. यदि यह सब हुआ होता तो शायद हैदराबाद विश्वविद्यालय में ऐसे माहौल न पनपे होते और तुम्हें भी खुद को ख़त्म कर देने की ज़रुरत नहीं पड़ी होती.

तुम्हें डर था कि आखिरी रास्ता तय करने के बाद लोग तुम्हें डरपोक और कायर कहेंगे. लेकिन मेरा भरोसा करना कि लोगों ने मुझे उस वक़्त बहादुर या निडर भी नहीं कहा था जब आस्था के लिए रखी गयी दाढ़ी के चलते मैं मार दिया गया.

तुमने एक ख़त लिखा. तुम्हारी मौत की बाद भी वह ख़त पूरे भूगोल में गूंज रहा है, उसके कई संस्करण लोग पढ़-सुन रहे हैं. लेकिन मरने से पहले मैं अपने परिवार को अपने एटीएम का पिन तक नहीं बता सका. यह भी नहीं कि मैंने किस-किससे पैसे उधार लिए हैं?

तुम्हारी मौत के पांच दिनों बाद जब प्रधानमंत्री ने तुम्हारी माँ के लिए सहानुभूति प्रकट की तो तुम्हारी घटना को एक भरमाने वाली तवज्जो मिली. लेकिन यह कचोटता है कि जब मेरी मौत हुई तो प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी चुप थे. ऐसे चुप जैसे मेरी कोई मां ही न हो, ऐसे चुप जैसे मैं भारत का नागरिक ही न था.

ग़नीमत है कि तुम्हारे मरने के बाद आंध्र प्रदेश की सरकार ने तुम्हारी माँ और भाई को नौकरी देने का वादा किया है. लेकिन मेरे बाद चीज़ें उतनी अच्छी नहीं रहीं. मेरे बाद महाराष्ट्र सरकार पत्थर के बुत में तब्दील हो गयी. पृथ्वीराज चव्हाण द्वारा मेरे भाई को नौकरी देने का किया गया वादा भी नकार में तब्दील हो गया.

तुम्हारा ख़त पढ़ने के बाद मैं रो रहा हूं.

मुझे यह मौक़ा ही नहीं मिला कि मैं अपने परिवार से कह सकूं कि मेरे जाने के बाद सरकार से मिलने वाली किसी भी सहायता को स्वीकार मत करना और अपनी गरिमा बनाए रखना.

मेरा यह मानना है, बल्कि मैं ऐसी ख्वाहिश भी रखता हूं कि तुम्हारा त्याग हमारे समाज को एक चेतना से भरे. ऐसी चेतना, जिसके आगोश में कोई भी होनहार अपना जीवन न गँवाए. तुम्हें हमेशा विजेता की तरह देखा जाए न कि किसी शिकार की तरह.

मैं अपने मरने से पहले तो नहीं कर पाया लेकिन अब इस ख़त को पढने वाले लोगों से अपील करता हूं कि वे मेरे परिवार के साथ खड़े हों. वे मेरे परिवार की मदद करें ताकि रोजाना मेरी मौत का गम उन्हें अंधेरे की ओर न ले जाए.

मैं उनसे यह भी कहता हूं कि वे तुम्हारे व्यक्तित्व और तुम्हारे ख़त को सिर्फ किसी दोषी को सजा दिलवाने के लिए इस्तेमाल न करें. यह जनचेतना का आधार बने. यह एक उजाला बने जिसमें यह देखा जा सके कि मैं और तुम समाज के किसी दबाव या दमन के अंधेरे में नहीं मरे.

तुम्हारा,
मोहसिन सादिक़ शेख़

Half-widowed at 23, Rafiqa Mushtaq fights government, in-laws to ensure property rights for her children

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In the third of the five personal stories of half widows, Raqib Hameed Naik narrates the story of Rafiqa Mushtaq.

Read Part-I here:Armed with a pictures that tell a thousand words: The protestors of Pratap Park

Read Part-II here:The half widows of Kashmir: A story of endless wait and hardships

Read Part-III here:Married at 17, ‘Half widowed’ at 18: Safiya Azad continues to wait even after 23 years

Read Part-III (2) here:19 years and counting: the tale of Naseema Begum’s wait for her missing husband

Tengpora (Srinagar): On the late evening of Sunday, April 13 1997, Rafiqa Mushtaq, then 23, was feeling exhausted after spending the day cleaning her house in Tengpora locality of Srinagar for Eid-Al-Adha which was due to be celebrated after four days. After serving an early dinner, she put her infant son to sleep while two other sons had already slept beside their father, Mushtaq Ahmed Khan.

Mushtaq Ahmed Khan

Mushtaq Ahmed Khan

Mushtaq Ahmed Khan, 25 was working as a daily wage employee in Jammu and Kashmir forest department. Even as insurgency and subsequent government forces crackdowns in valley rose to its peak in 1990s, he was quite optimistic that it won’t affect the people leading normal lives. Destiny, however, had planned something far more sinister.

At around 10 PM, when all the family members had gone to sleep, army men from 20th Grenadiers Rashtriya Rifle under the command of its officer, Nazar Mohammad arrived in Tengpora and drove straight towards his house. The moment they entered the house, the whole neighborhood woke up to the cries of Khans.
“The army men thrashed the entire family. They didn’t even spare the women and my four-year-old son. After taking my husband to a separate room, they locked me and my kids in one room and my in-laws in other room,” recalls Rafiqa.

The army men took his husband to another room where the brutal torture began, with neighboring alleys reverberating with his cries.

“To stop him from crying out loud, they stuffed dining spread into his mouth and then poured water on it,” says Rafiqa.

After two hours of interrogation, the army men took Mushtaq to the neighboring house of his close friend Mushtaq Ahmed Dar, 19. Both had the same first names, and both faced the same questions: “Samaan Kahan hai (Where is the ammunition?),” to which they replied negatively thus irking the soldiers leading to continuous excruciating physical torture.

The interrogation continued unabated till early morning until the call for morning prayers (Azaan), following which they were taken to their camp in Boatmen Colony in Bemina, Srinagar.

“We were locked in the rooms. when soldiers left, our neighbors’ came to unlock us but unfortunately my husband was taken by them,” says Rafiqa as her face turns pale.

After a sleepless night, she along with her parents and in-laws went early morning to meet the army officer Nazar Mohammad in their camp in Boatmen Colony, “When we went there, he acknowledged picking him up and he said that he will release him soon.”

As days turned into weeks, her husband didn’t return, prompting her to once again knock the gates of army camp but to her utter shock, the concerned army officer was transferred whereas the new officer, in a repeat of what we saw in Part One and Part Two , the officers denied the presence of her husband in custody. The day marked the beginning of intense search for him across the torture centers, camps and police stations across Kashmir.

Rafiqa Mushtaq

Rafiqa Mushtaq

“I am not able to understand what they did to my husband. Is human life so cheap in this part of the globe?” asks Rafiqa.

After months of intense search refused to yield any result, she decided to knock the doors of judiciary. Nineteen years later, her husband’s involuntary and enforced disappearance the case in court stays in limbo.

She was left with three sons and a daughter, who was born a few months after her father’s disappearance. “We were/are poor people and the little salary which my husband used to earn was the only source of income for us which sustained us. But after he went missing, we were left at the mercy of God as my father-in-law was a poor farmer who could barely sustain us,” she said.

A decade after her husband’s disappearance, Rafiqa was paid an ex-gratia amount of Rs 1 lakh and a promise of the lowest rank of non—gazetted job for her son under the Statutory Regulatory Order (SRO) 43 notified by J&K government in 1994. However, these turned out to be fake promises. These cases are screened by district screening-cum-coordination committees (DSCCC) constituted at district level by the government. The amount has to be refunded back if the victim turns out to be alive. “Rs 1 lakh was a big prank played on us. The government divides amount into many parts. One part is paid to the parents of victims, some part is kept fixed in bank account for children and the remaining is left for the wife. They did not even provide a job to my son,” Rafiqa says.

The struggle after disappearance

With almost zero money and three children to feed, Rafiqa sought help of her father who was a farmer in Batamaloo. He single-handedly took care of their expenses all through these years, besides taking whole responsibility of financing the education of her children. “I am indebted to my father who helped me when I was in dire need.”

Her in-laws tried to undermine the property rights of her children as they asked her to leave the house after Mushtaq went missing. However, Rafiqa was adamant that her receive their right over the property and put a brave face and continuously struggled for 14 years. “The future of my children was our (Rafiqa and Mushtaq’s) first preference and we both used to talk about it when he was with us. After he went missing, my in-laws tried to snatch away the rights of my children over the property, but I fought because I didn’t want my children to suffer like me,” says Rafiqa.

Farzana and her mother, Rafiqa Mushtaq

Rafiqa and her daugther Farzana

“It was usual for them to ask me and my children to vacate their place over minor issues,” she adds.

In 2014, Rafiqa asked the Mohallah Panchayat to intervene in the matter, after which the Panchayat directed the in-laws to pay the decided amount so that she could construct a new house. The amount was later given to her and presently, the construction of a new house, though slow, is in progress. “I didn’t relent and I was adamant in my stand which finally led them to admit our rights.”

Two of her sons, Amir Khan, 23 and Sameer, 21, dropped out after finishing their Class 12 exams to help construct their new house, so as to save labour costs. They expect to get jobs soon so as to better the financial condition of their family. Meanwhile, Rafiqa’s younger son Faisal and daughter Farzana are still studying in 10thstandard and are hopeful of getting admission in some professional college in Kashmir after finishing their senior secondary.

“I grew up without the shadow of my father. This reality pinches me whenever I think about it, but fortunately time is a good healer so things are getting better than before. But the question always resonates in my mind: what did they do to my father?” asks Rafiqa’s daughter Farzana.

“I want him to come back and I am hopeful he will come back,” she adds.

For Rafiqa, the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP) co-founder Parveen Ahangar, whom she lovingly calls ‘Jiji’ is everything. “Jiji is more than my mother, my sister. She is my friend with whom I share my pain. Whenever I am in dire need of anything, she comes to my rescue. She is like a messenger for me,”

Like other ‘half widows’, every month on the 10th, Rafiqa travels 10 kms from her home in Mahrajapur, Batamaloo to Pratap Park near Lal Chowk to take part in the silent sit in with relatives of the other missing persons.

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“I have never missed a month when I haven’t visited the park. It is a place where I came across cases similar to me. We all share and grieve our pains together which somehow reduces the pain of longing from our hearts.”

Rafiqa, her three sons and a daughter are still affirmative that one day Mushtaq will return back to home in good health but they are aware of the reality that he might never come, “We have left everything on God, all we can do now is hope,” Farzana adds.

How TRS captured Hyderabad

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Hyderabad: The Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) was widely expected to unfurl its flag on the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC). But the scale of victory it scored was something which even its leaders had not anticipated.

Winning 99 seats in the 150-member municipal body was no mean achievement for a party which had no presence in the previous body. In 2009, it had stayed away from the elections because it felt it did not have a mass base.
The performance was also unprecedented given the fact that no party in the past could get a majority on its own in the previous municipal bodies in Hyderabad and in doing so, TRS virtually wiped out the TDP-BJP alliance and the Congress.

In the 2014 general election, despite getting a majority in the Telangana assembly and forming the first government in the new state of Telangana, TRS could win only three out of 24 assembly seats under GHMC limits.

Ever since its formation in 2001 to revive the demand for a separate Telangana state, TRS was considered weak in Hyderabad because of considerable population from Seemandhra or Andhra Pradesh settled here.
Seemandhra people were opposed to the bifurcation of the state. The Telangana slogan had also failed to fire the imagination of urban voters in the 2004 and 2009 elections.

Thus it was not surprising that the TDP-BJP alliance had bagged 14 out of 24 assembly seats in the 2014 polls.

Not disappointed over this, but upbeat over achieving its main goal of a separate state and forming its first government, TRS adopted a meticulous strategy to win the last bastion - Hyderabad. It successfully wooed five out of nine MLAs of TDP, strengthening the party base.

While dealing a big blow to its number one political rival TDP, TRS also softened its stand visa-a-vis people from Seemandhra, often described as 'settlers'. TRS leaders, especially Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao, who used to target Seemandhra people for 'usurping' resources of Telangana, buried the bitterness of the movement after achieving his goal.

With Seemandhra people accounting for more than 25 percent of 7.4 million voters in GHMC, TRS also reached out to them and dispelled all apprehensions they had about their safety in Hyderabad.

With not a single incident of any attack on Seemandhra people in the last 20 months, they had reposed their faith in the ruling party, say political observers.

As Hyderabad is the engine of Telangana's economic growth, TRS was more careful about the impact any incident would have on the city's brand image. The end of uncertainty, prevailing in this technology hub since 2009, also revived the city's growth.

The TRS government also focussed on further attracting investments into information technology, pharma and other sectors based in Hyderabad.

Information Technology Minister K. Tarakarama Rao, who is son of the chief minister, aggressively marketed Hyderabad and convinced IT majors to expand their operations. The articulate and affable minister charmed the IT sector and launched some initiatives like T Hub, an incubator for technology startups.

It was not surprising that KCR gave his son the charge of the party's campaign for the crucial polls. As the results show, KTR, seen as heir-apparent in the party circles, fulfilled this task effectively.

Led by KTR, several ministers visited every part of the city for the aggressive campaign and promised to turn Hyderabad into a global city, with best infrastructure and civic amenities.

The government also laid special emphasis on the law and order situation by providing more vehicles and equipment for the police. The police constituted several teams for protection of women and installed CCTV cameras to improve policing.

Various welfare and development schemes launched by TRS since June 2014 appear to have turned the tide for TRS. The social security pensions for aged, widows and physically handicapped, scholarships for poor students, 6 kg rice per person per month at one rupee a kg, schemes for financial assistance for marriage of girls belonging to poor families all helped in winning it the votes.

However, it was the scheme for construction of double bed room houses for poor, regularisation of land, waiver of property tax, electricity and drinking water arrears of poor that appear to have made its impact.

The government also succeeded in overcoming electricity shortage and improved the supply. It also initiated efforts to solve the drinking water problem in the city by diverting more water from the Godavari river.

Without Aligarh, India Wouldn’t Be Same Again

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By Aijaz Zaka Syed

It is said that in his quest to establish a world-class university for Muslims, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan would stop at nothing. Like all men possessed, he lived, talked and thought about his dream until he realized it. Having invested everything he had in his life mission, he went around with a begging bowl to raise funds for the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College, later, the Aligarh Muslim University. He pestered everyone, Muslims, Hindus, the rich and poor, men and women for donations, even visiting red light areas to persuade tawaif, courtesans, to contribute to the cause.

A distinguished scholar, civil servant and reformer, Sir Syed concluded in the wake of the 1857 upheavals, which saw Muslims largely take the full blow of an angry empire’s wrath, that modern education was the only way ahead for the community.

From going hungry for days to staging plays and mushairas, traversed mountains of adversities, including fierce opposition from within the community, to reach his goal. He was even declared a kaffir for championing modern education, seen by many as a symbol of British tyranny. Nothing deterred him though. He went on to found the MAO College at Aligarh in 1875 against all odds. It was recognized as a Central University in 1920 through an Act of Central Legislative Council by the Indian Government.

Today, AMU houses more than 28,000 students on its campuses and offers more than 250 programs and courses. Despite all the controversies and disputes that have dogged it in recent years, it remains one of the top 10 universities in India and one of the most recognized around the world. Not bad for an institution founded by a voiceless, dispossessed minority.

The tiny plant that Syed watered with his lifeblood and sacrifices of thousands of Muslims has grown into a giant tree offering shade to many a weary seeker of knowledge. It introduced Muslims to modern education and transformed their educational and economic standards and outlook. AMU has also spawned a million tributaries in India, Pakistan and around the world. No wonder Gandhi hailed him as a prophet of education. AMU helped a voiceless minority rediscover its voice and self-esteem.

Aligarh has never stopped fighting its battle for survival though, defying adversity at every stage of its existence. However, what it faces today in the gauntlet thrown down by the Modi government, challenging its raison d’etre, the very purpose of existence, in the Supreme Court, is perhaps the greatest threat to its identity as India’s – perhaps world’s -- first modern, world-class educational institution founded by Muslims.

After nearly a century and half of the university’s existence, its character as a Muslim institution is now being questioned by the BJP government. “It’s the stand of the Union of India that the AMU is not a minority university. As the executive government at the center we cannot be seen as setting up a minority institution in a secular state,” Attorney General Mukul Rohtagi told the Supreme Court on January 11.

So a colonial power may have recognized Aligarh as a ‘central university’ run by Muslims – such was the high benchmark that the university set that the Viceroy felt privileged to be its honorary patron and Visitor -- but a government owing allegiance to the secular Constitution of free India promising equal rights to all cannot bring itself to do so.

Of course, India is a secular state. But its secular constitution offers minorities a fundamental right to practice their religion and educate their children as they see fit. The Article 30 (1) of Constitution unambiguously promises: “All minorities whether based on religion or language shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.”

Aligarh is not merely a world-class university; it is movement for change. AMU has not just helped generations of India’s Muslims – and non-Muslims -- empower themselves in terms of education, awareness and economic emancipation; it marked their coming of age. No wonder it has always been a favorite punching bag for the folks who are now in power in India and who’re yet to accept minorities as legitimate citizens and equal stakeholders of the country.

Before Independence, AMU was often tarred as the laboratory of the idea of Pakistan. Post Independence, successive governments have tried to undermine its special identity as a minority institution.

In 1965, education minister MC Chagla first opened the Pandora’s box when he amended the 1920 Act to reduce AMU to a government appendage, inflicting the body blow on Muslims’ proudest institution. The university court, the supreme governing body, was reduced to being a puppet of the government of the day.

When some Muslims approached the SC for help, the top court ruled on October 20, 1967, to their horror that AMU was not a minority institution and that a university which was “founded” through a central law cannot claim a special status.

“It may be that the 1920 Act was passed as a result of the efforts of the Muslim minority. But that does not mean that the Aligarh University when it came into being under the 1920 Act was established by the Muslim minority,” the court ruled.

Why? Because, the judges reasoned, “It would not be possible for the Muslim minority to establish a university of the kind whose degrees were bound to be recognized by government”.

In other words, no minority can establish a university even though Article 30(1) gives it the right to do so.
The top court ignored the fact that AMU preexisted the 1920 law in the form of MAO College and that the University was entirely financed and founded by Muslims. The community had only sought the government recognition for AMU. Universities have a legal standing which only a statute can confer.

Taking the SC verdict apart, legal luminary HM Seervai points out that Muslims founded the university “in the only manner in which a university could be brought into existence; namely, by invoking the exercise by the sovereign authority of its legislative power. The Muslim community provided lands, buildings, colleges and endowments for the university, and without these the university as a body corporate would be an unreal abstraction”.

Under pressure from the community, the Indian government tried to remedy the situation by bringing in an amendment in 1981 that clearly reaffirmed that AMU is “the educational institution of their choice established by the Muslims of India, which originated as the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College and which was subsequently incorporated as the Aligarh Muslim University”.

Yet a decade later, the Allahabad High Court, ignoring the Amendment, again junked the minority status of the university. The single judge ruled that the minorities cannot establish a university; at best they can establish a ‘deemed’ university. The UPA government and the AMU appealed against the ruling before a divisional bench. But it ruled in 2006 that reservations for Muslims in AMU, a university founded by Muslims, were wrong.

It’s hardly surprising that the Modi government has jumped on the opportunity provided by the UP court ruling, to argue before the SC that it does not consider AMU a minority institution.

Given the enduring Hindutva love of all things Muslim, this was only to be expected. Aligarh is not merely a university founded by Muslims. It remains the most potent symbol of their identity, an institution that inspires immense pride in a community that has been left with few of them. It is this pride and identity that is under attack, as has been the case with all other institutions and symbols of India’s secularism and diversity under this dispensation.

The Hindutva groups, whose very existence is based on perpetual Muslim bashing and crying about the imagined atrocities during the 1000-year long Muslim rule won’t rest until they have obliterated it. Clearly, India of their dreams only has place for a Banaras Hindu University but not an Aligarh Muslim University or Jamia Millia Islamia, another proud institution of the community.

So the BJP government with the brute majority that it enjoys in Parliament may after all succeed in its attempts to divest Aligarh and Jamia of their special character. But a country in which religious minorities do not have the freedom to practice their faith and run their institutions could claim to be neither secular nor democratic. Without Aligarh, India will not be the same again.

Aijaz Zaka Syed is a Gulf based writer. Email: aijaz.syed@hotmail.com

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