जावेद अनीस

उर्दू के शीर्ष उपन्यासकार अब्दुल्ला हुसैन का 7 जून 2015 को 84 वर्ष की उम्र में देहांत हो गया, वे लम्बे समय से कैंसर से पीड़ित थे और उनका लाहौर के एक निजी अस्पताल में इलाज चल रहा था. करीब 53 साल पहले जब उनका पहला उपन्यास ‘उदास नस्लें’ प्रकाशित हुआ तो मानो उर्दू साहित्य में तहलका मच गया. इस एक ही उपन्यास ने उन्हें चोटी पर पहुँचा दिया और यही उनकी पहचान बन गयी. ‘उदास नस्लें’ को पाकिस्तान का पहला नॉवेल तक कहा जाता है. इसके बाद भी उन्होनें बहुत कुछ लिखा लेकिन उदास नस्लें के ज़रिए वे शोहरत की जिस बुलंदी पर पहुँच चुके थे उसमें कोई इजाफा मुमकिन नही था. अकेले यही उपन्यास उन्हें उर्दू के सबसे बड़े उपन्यासकारों की सूची में शुमार करने के लिए काफी था.

‘उदास नस्लें’ के अलावा उन्होनें ‘बाध’, ‘फरेब’, ‘नशेब’ जैसे उपन्यास लिखे हैं और उनके तीन कहानी संग्रह भी प्रकाशित हुए हैं. इसी साल उन्हें प्रधानमंत्री ने लाइफटाइम अचीवमेंट अवॉर्ड से सम्मानित किया गया था. 2012 में साहित्य के उनके योगदान पर पाकिस्तानी सरकार ने उन्हें वहां के सबसे बड़े साहित्यिक सम्मान ‘कमाल फन’ से नवाजा था. ‘उदास नस्लें’ के लिए उन्हें ‘आदम जी’ अवार्ड से भी सम्मानित किया गया था. ‘उदास नस्लें’ का 1963 में ‘दि वियरी जेनरेशन्स’ शीर्षक से अंग्रेजी में अनुवाद हुआ था, जिसे अंग्रेजी के पाठकों ने बहुत पसंद किया.

दो साल पहले ही उदास नस्लें का सिल्वर जुब्ली एडिशन सामने आया था. यह जितनी पाकिस्तान में मशहूर था, उतना ही हिन्दुस्तान में भी. ‘उदास नस्लें’ ने 50 बरस का अरसा सह लिया और इस दौरान हर पीढ़ी के पाठकों ने इसे सराहा. इससे यह बात एक बार फिर साबित होती है कि रचना में अगर जान हो तो बगैर किसी लाबी, प्रोपोगेंडा और मीडि़या की मदद के भी एक नॉवेल केवल अपने बलबूते पर ही लम्बे समय तक जिंदा रह सकता है. चंद बरस पहले अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने कराची लिटरेचर फेस्टीवल में ‘उदास नस्लें’ के बारे में चर्चा करते हुए कहा था कि उन्होंने यह नॉवेल 1956 में उस वक्त लिखा था जब वे एक निजी कंपनी में काम करते थे और उनकी डयूटी किसी वीराने इलाके में थी. तब उन्होनें अपनी उकताहट से तंग आकर एक कहानी लिखने के इरादे से कलम उठाया था लेकिन चंद पन्ने लिखने के बाद ही उनके ज़ेहन में अचानक ‘उदास नस्लें’ की कहानी फ्लैश की सूरत में गुजरी और नॉवेल का पूरा सांचा दिमाग में आ गया. इस तरह से यह नॉवेल 1961 में पूरा हुआ. जब उन्होनें यह लिखना शुरु किया था तो उनकी उम्र 25 साल की थी.

‘उदास नस्लें’ की सबसे बड़ी खासियत यह है कि इसे आम पाठकों के साथ-साथ साहित्य के बड़े पारखीयों से भी सराहना मिली. ‘उदास नस्लें’ जब प्रकाशित हुआ तो कृष्णचंद्र, आल अहमद सरवर और राजेन्द्र सिंह बेदी जैसी शख्सियतों को भी इसने प्रभावित किया. कृष्णचंद्र ने तो अब्दुल्ला हुसैन को एक खत लिखा था जिसमें वे लिखते हैं, ‘‘मोहतरम अब्दुल्ला हुसैन साहेब, आप कौन है? क्या करते हैं? अदब का मसगला कब से इख्तियार किया? और किस तरह आप एक शोले की तरह भड़क उठे? अपना कुछ अता-पता तो बताईये. उदास नस्लें पढ़ रहा हूं लेकिन उसे खत्म करने से पहले मुझे ये मालूम हो चुका है कि उर्दू अदब में एक आला जौहर दरियाफ्त हो चुका है.’’

इसी तरह से उर्दू के शीर्ष आलोचक शम्सुर्रहमान फारुकी ने एक बार कहा था, “जिन साहित्यकारों को पढ़ कर वो रश्क करते थे उनमें अब्दुल्ला हुसैन भी शामिल हैं.’’ पाकिस्तान के मशहूर शायर और नाटककार अमजद इस्लाम अमजद ने अब्दुल्ला हुसैन के योगदान पर कहा है, ‘‘हमारे समाज में जहाँ पढ़ने वाले अपेक्षाकृत कम हैं और किताबें भी कम बिकती हैं, वहां 50 बरस तक लोगों के दिलों में जगह बनाना बहुत बड़ा कारनामा है और अब्दुल्ला हुसैन उन चंद लोगें में से एक हैं जिन्होनें ये कारनामा अंजाम दिया है.’’

‘उदास नस्लें’ जब प्रकाशित हुआ तो इसकी भाषा, विशेषकर इसमें मिलावट, को लेकर सवाल उठाये गये और कहा गया कि इसमें पंजाबी शब्द ज्यादा हैं. उर्दू के आलोचक मुजफ्फर अली ने तो यहाँ तक कह दिया था कि लेखक को नॉवेल लिखने से पहले उर्दू सीख लेनी चाहिए थी. दरअसल शुरु से ही उर्दू के साथ शहरीपन, सोफेस्टीकेशन और एक खास तरह की शुद्धतावादी रवैया हावी रहा है और इस बात पर खास ध्यान दिया जाता रहा है कि कहीं इसमें आंचलिक या देहातीपन की परछाई ना पड़ने पाये. जबकि उर्दू खुद ही ‘लश्करों की भाषा’ के तौर पर विकसित हुई है और कई भाषाओं से मिल कर बनी है. इस बारे में अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने एक बार कहा था, ‘‘मैंने जब नॉवेल लिखना शुरु किया था तो मुझे बहुत अच्छी उर्दू नही आती थी, उल्टी सीधी जुबां लिखी. मुझे भरोसा भी नही था कि इसे इतना पसंद किया जायेगा. मेरी खुशकिस्मती रही कि लोग पुराने ज़ुबान से, जिसमें बड़ा लच्छेदार विवरण होता था, तंग आये हुए थे इसीलिए उन्हें मेरी ज़ुबान सुलभ महसूस हुई और उन्होनें उसे सराहा.”

‘उदास नस्लें’ का कैनवस बहुत विशाल है. यह पहले विश्व युद्ध और विभाजन व उसके बाद भारतीय उपमहाद्वीप के सामाजिक और राजनीतिक तस्वीर को उभारती है. इसमें तत्कालीन समाज में बदलाव की जद्दोजहद, विस्थापन का दर्द और अस्मिताओं का टकराहट तो है ही साथ ही यहाँ एक नए राष्ट्र के अपनी अस्मिता को नए तरीके से खोजने और उसे परिभाषित करने का प्रयास भी है. अब्दुल्ला हुसैन इसे बुनियादी तौर पर मोहब्बत की कहानी मानते रहे हैं उन्होनें एक बार कहा था कि यह मोहब्बत की कहानी है लेकिन परम्परागत मोहब्बत की नही बल्कि उस महान मोहब्बत की जिसके लिए आदमी बड़ी से बड़ी कुर्बानी देने पर खुद को आमादा पाता है. ‘उदास नस्लें’ गुलामी से आजादी के सफर की कहानी, मर्द और औरत के मोहब्बत और मिट्टी से इश्क की कहानी है. इसकी पृष्ठभूमि में बंटवारे से पहले उपमहाद्वीप में गरीबी, दूसरा विश्व युद्ध, अंग्रेजों की गुलामी, जुल्म और आजादी की लड़ाई है, जिसके असर से एक पूरी नस्ल उदास हो गई.

‘उदास नस्लें’ में पंजाब है. कहानी रोशनपुरा गांव से शुरु होती है. नईम और अज़रा की मोहब्बत के फंसाने का आगाज भी यहीं से शुरु होता है लेकिन उनके मोहब्ब्त के दरम्यान समुदायों के बंटवारे की दीवार खड़ी है. दोनों ही एक दूसरे को हासिल करने के लिए अपना सब कुछ तज देने का इरादा रखते हैं. बाद में नईम फौज में शामिल हो जाता है, जहाँ से वह मिलीट्री क्रॉस लेकर लौटता है, जो उसके और अज़रा के खानदान के बीच मनमुटाव दूर करने में मददगार बनता है. जंग में वह अपना एक हाथ गंवा चुका है लेकिन इसी जंग की वजह से वह अपनी मोहब्बत को हासिल कर लेता है. दरअसल नईम और अज़रा उस समय के शहरी तथा ग्रामीण समाज और उनके सरोकारों के अक्स हैं.

2014 में जब इस कालजयी उपन्यास के 50 साल पूरे हुए थे तो उस मौके पर अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने बीबीसी से बात करते हुए कहा था, ‘‘जब से उदास नस्लें लिखी गई उस वक्त से इस किताब की खुशकिस्मती और हमारी बदकिस्मती है कि हर नस्ल उदास से उदास्तर होती जा रही है.’’

(लेखक भोपाल में रहते हैं. उनसे javed4media@gmail.comपर संपर्क किया जा सकता है.)

By Ashish Mishra

New Delhi: This year the high-profile Delhi University Students' Union (DUSU) election - which routinely defaces the capital’s walls and public utilities every year with ugly posters - is expected to witness a direct fight between the incumbent Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and the Aam Aadmi Party's debutant student wing, the Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Samiti (CYSS).

Although CYSS is contesting the election for the first time, its student leaders are hopeful. They accept that the direct fight is expected to be between their nascent party and the well-entrenched ABVP, the student's wing aligned to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

"Our main fight is with the ABVP as the (Congress-affiliated) NSUI (National Students Union of India) is only visible on the posters not among the students. The anti-incumbency factor will work against the ABVP. We are confident about our victory." CYSS state president Anupam Yadav told IANS.

In previous years, it was a straight fight between the ABVP and the NSUI.

The confidence of the CYSS is reflected in its posters in Hindi that read: "Delhi Chhatra Sangha Ke Chunav, CYSS jeet rahi hai (CYSS will win DUSU elections)."

"The AAP's scintillating win in the Delhi assembly polls (67 to the 70 seats) will help us. The CYSS and the AAP government will always stand by the students," Yadav added.

There's another factor at play.

"Dharmendra Rawat alias Dhammu, who was the force behind ABVP's win in last year's DUSU polls, has joined the CYSS this year. This also makes it a strong contender in the DUSU poll," an ABVP leader told IANS on condition of anonymity.

"The main fight will be between these two outfits," he added.

Thus, the ABVP might be backed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), but it is not taking the CYSS lightly. "Although CYSS is a debutant player, we are not taking them lightly. We consider them a powerful opponent," ABVP candidate Dharampal Yadav said.

Persuaded by Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's clean image, there is a definite support base for CYSS in Delhi University.

"Arvind Kejriwal is a very honest leader. He believes in transparent politics. We would like to vote for CYSS as AAP is in power in Delhi and our problems will be taken up in the best manner," Law Faculty student Pankaj Soni said.

"Last year, I voted for the ABVP but they did nothing for the betterment of the students so this time, I will go with CYSS. The AAP believes in clean politics and that is why it got a huge mandate in Delhi. Certainly, the CYSS has an edge over other parties," B.Com student Rahul Upadhyay said.

The AAP makes no bones about backing its students' wing. At a star-studded rock concert it hosted at the Talkatora Indoor Stadium on Tuesday evening, Kejriwal candidly urged Delhi University students to support CYSS for its "honest and clean" politics.

However, despite the promise of clean politics, the guidelines of the Lyngdoh Committee are being violated by almost every students' group in the DUSU polls. The committee, which was headed by former chief election commissioner J.M. Lyngdoh to clean up the university's political space, has capped the expenditure per candidate at Rs.5,000, Printed posters are not allowed, neither are students' groups supposed to paste grafiti all over the campus. The university is supposed to have designated spots for pasting such messages.

Sadly, these recommendations are being observed more in breach than practice.

Six police complaints have been registered so far against candidates and various students' outfits for defacement of public property.

The CYSS, which claims to distribute only handmade posters and discourage money and muscle power, is also seen to be falling back on expensive printed posters.

CYSS chief Yadav said: "The ABVP and NSUI are bringing big luxury cars to the campus and are also using them to ferry the students, but we are not doing this. We have put up very few posters or hoardings for campaigning."

The NSUI is also making all-out efforts to maintain its presence in the DUSU polls.

Delhi Congress chief Ajay Maken and NSUI president Roji John have met Vice Chancellor Dinesh Singh and complained against the "AAP's violation of the Lyngdoh guidelines".

Delhistate NSUI president Vikas Chikara blamed the CYSS and ABVP for using money as a tool to register their strong presence in the DUSU polls.

"We are not using money or muscle power; CYSS is taking the advantage of the AAP government in Delhi. They (CYSS and ABVP) have booked more than 1,250 sites in Delhi for the advertisements of their candidates. They are using money to attract the students," Chikara told IANS.

Dr Mohammad Manzoor Alam

The circular issued by Maharashtra’s BJP government late last month has raised concern in liberal, informed sections all over India regarding its potential misuse by the police and administration to crush dissent and the perfectly valid democratic right of free speech.

The circular carries guidelines for the police before invoking sedition charges under Section 124 A of the Indian Penal Code. Successive governments at Centre and in the states have misused IPC over the decades to silence the opposition illegally and unconstitutionally.

Essentially, even on a sympathetic reading of the circular, which empowers the police to act against people dissatisfied with government and officialdom, by booking them for sedition, is grossly violative of Article 19 (I) (A) of the Constitution of India. At any given time most people are dissatisfied with government and bureaucracy. So should all of them be jailed?

Just come to think of it: Nearly seven decades after getting our independence from the British, we still continue to have the hated repressive law made by the British to crush the will of Indians to freedom. This law, made in the second half of the 19th century, and condemned by Mahatma Gandhi as an instrument of oppression, should have been scrapped decades ago.

The Fadnavis government has explained that the circular is merely an adaptation of a submission of the recent Congress-NCP government of Maharashtra before the Bombay High Court. That shows the true colours of all governments, to whatever party they may belong. Dissent is the soul of democracy.

The circular says, inter alia, to attract sedition charges, “words, signs or representations must bring the Government (Central or State) into hatred or contempt, or must cause, or attempt to cause disaffection, enmity or disloyalty to Government…”

Mark the language of the British raj. In all democracies, people are expected to be loyal to the nation, not government of the day, much less to salaried government servants.

Under the vague clauses of this circular (which remain vague even after clarifications from Maharashtra government) sedition charges will be brought against somebody speaking against not only ministers and other grandies, but government servants “shown as representatives of governments.” Whose representatives the babus can be shown as, except the government’s? This is the situation even after the so-called clarification.

Even the Congress Party, whose government had presented a draft containing much of the current circular to the Bombay High Court in 2012, now says the circular is liable to be misused against the opposition. Politicians are a strange lot. They criticise these draconian laws when they are in opposition, but support them when they are in power.

My particular objection is to the language of the circular, which shows the arrogance of the British raj, demanding “loyalty to the government”. In a democracy people are loyal to the nation, even nation state, not the government of the day. The following story of a spat between the BBC and British government illustrates the point.

During the war between Britain and Argentina over Faulklands, the BBC coverage consistently held on to an objective, non-partisan position. To that the British government responded by alleging that the BBC was working against Britain’s interests. The BBC retorted that it was concerned about the national interest, not the interests of the government of the time.

This shows the Indian democratic position vis-à-vis the circular also. Finally, let us hurry up and bury the laws which were made to keep us perpetually enslaved. Such laws must go the way the British raj went, and must never be allowed to return under any pretext.

By Ram Puniyani,

The intolerance does not grow in one field of social life in isolation. In different arena of our life it tends to run in a parallel manner. In Maharashtra, with the BJP majority Government in seat of power, we had a ban on the storing, selling and eating of beef few months ago. This ban increased the problems of a large section of society, the workers in abettor, those consuming beef and those selling beef. The workers of Devnar abettor, located in Mumbai, the biggest one in the area, rendered jobless due to this decision of the Government are writhing in the pain of unemployment. Then came the Government order that any criticism of Government servants will be treated as sedition. This is an attempt to put a total cap on the basic democratic rights, on freedom of expression and on the right to dissent. During this period the state witnessed the murder of two of its foremost rationalist thinkers and leaders, Dr. Narendra Dabholkar and Comrade Govind Pansare (who was also a political worker) for taking on the forces of blind faith and for promoting scientific temper. In the neighboring Karnataka the ex-Vice Chancellor of Kannada University, Hamphi, the tall scholar of Kannada and rational intellectual was done to death.

On the heels of this comes the decision of Mira Bhaynder Municipal Corporation to ban the non vegetarian food, except fished and eggs, during Paryushan, a Jain festival, for eight days. This ban has been put for four days in Mumbai area under Mumbai Corporation. BJP is in lead in taking decisions in this direction. As such over a period of time the number of days for which this ban has been there is proportionally going up with the rise of sectarian politics in the nation and in the state. As such earlier during Paryushan the ban was there for one day in 1960s, two day in 1990s, now it is four days in Mumbai and eight days in Mira Road-Bhayander area. Interestingly fishes and eggs which Jains don’t consume have been spared from the wrath of the zealots who think imposing your sentiments is part of one’s religion. Will there be such a demand for prohibiting garlic and root vegetable, which are also prohibited by Jain practices, next?

Country as a whole has been the victim of this food fundamentalism of the dominant forces. There are housing societies in Mumbai where the non-vegetarians are not allowed to stay. In Ahmadabad, Gujarat I came across an interesting incident. I was staying with a friend, who was living in a rented accommodation. Suddenly one morning when we were sipping our morning tea, the landlord barged in and headed straight to the kitchen. And then after few minutes he made his exit. I was puzzled. My friend explained that it is “Kitchen Check’ to examine whether any non vegetarian food is being cooked or consumed! It was very baffling moment for me. One knows that there is a sort of ‘food curfew’ during the day time during Ramzan month in many Gulf countries, where Sheikhs are ruling with iron hand, in the name of Islam. Which community and whose sentiments will prevail in a diverse society is a complex question.

How does one handle the food habits in a diverse society like ours? As such earlier also many a kings have respected the sentiments of the minorities. Akbar when approached by the Jain delegation did impose restriction on Non vegetarian food for some time. Babar in his will to his son Humayun instructs that cow slaughter should not be permitted as deference to Hindu sentiments. As such the basic aspect of teachings of religion is to respect the feelings of other people in the society. What is taught is that the followers of that religion implement these in their lives. The question of imposing one’s sentiments on the others is the sign of one’s social dominance in the society. Communal parties for the sake of vote bank and for their political social agenda are feeling they can have their way and impose such practices on the society. There are others who feel grateful enough if they can practice their own things in their own family and social space without imposing it upon others.

As such what should happen in a democratic society? It’s very complex question at one level. Point should be to respect each other’s feelings and accommodate for that. Ideal is that the ‘other’ calls for such a self imposition out of volition and respect. That’s what Mahatma Gandhi teaches us time and over again. Be it the matter of religious practices or food habits, his path was clear, lets follow our path without imposing it upon others. As such, imposing one’s sentiments on ‘others’, is the highest form of violence. One of Gandhi’s writing on the issue of beef eating- cow slaughter is very illuminating, he writes “I maintain that Muslims should have full freedom to slaughter cows, if they wish, subject of course to hygienic restrictions and in a manner not to wound the susceptibilities of their Hindu neighbors. Fullest recognition of freedom to the Muslims to slaughter cows is indispensable of communal harmony, and is the only way of saving cow.” (http://www.mkgandhi.org/g_communal/chap14.htm)?

Our country has diverse food habits, from Arunchal Pradesh to Kerala to Punjab and Gujarat, we inherit the rich diversity. With the rise of the sectarianism and politics in the name of Hindu religion, Hindutva, such intolerant things are being brought in with bigger aggression. The section of Jain leadership, which getting this done, is close to the BJP. BJP in turn has an agenda in all aspects of our socio-cultural life. Ban on Beef eating is a deliberate ploy to sharpen the divisive politics, the politics which is polarsing the communities. One recalls the 1946 V. Shantaram Classic film Padosi, where the two neighbors, Hindu and Muslim, love and respect each other’s sentiments and feelings. There are legions of stories in times past where such camaraderie amongst these communities was a matter of celebrating each other’s practices not just tolerating them. It is this intermixing at all the levels which gave us the diverse plural heritage, the culture of joy and celebration of diversity in our country.

Such issues related to bans have become an integral part of identity politics, Islamism in Gulf countries and Hindutva in India. This is painfully gripping our democratic society by the neck and imposing suspicion and dislike for the ‘other’. The economic aspects of banning beef, and banning selective non vegetarian food during the Paryushan is of no concern to the political leaders who keep deepening their hold on the section of community not by harping on issues of dignity and rights of the people but by the intolerant attitude for the ‘other’.

From over last one year, this stifling attitude is a retrograde step, putting chains on our democratic freedoms. This is a regressive march inching towards the pattern of countries where democratic freedoms have been put under the carpet in the name of religion.

...
(Ram Puniyani is a former IIT Professor, Mumbai-based author and peace activist.)

New York: A novel chocolate made of dietary cocoa extract can promote brain health and prevent age-related neuro-degenerative disorders like Alzheimer's in the elderly, scientists have determined.

There is strong scientific evidence supporting the growing interest in developing cocoa extract, and potentially certain dietary chocolate preparations, as a natural source to maintain and promote brain health, the researchers wrote.

This noval chocolate can “prevent age-related neurodegenerative disorders such as Alzheimer's disease which is the most common form of age-related dementia affecting an estimated 44 million people worldwide,” said Dr Giulio Maria Pasinetti, professor of neurology from the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York.

Cocoa extracts contain polyphenols - micronutrients that have many health benefits, including reducing age-related cognitive dysfunction and promoting healthy brain ageing.

Previous studies from Dr Pasinetti's laboratory suggest that certain cocoa extract preparations may prevent or possibly delay Alzheimer's disease in animal experimental models of the disease.

Most importantly, the role of cocoa polyphenols in preventing abnormal accumulation of toxic protein aggregates in the brain would play a pivotal role in preventing the loss of synapses that are critical for functional connection among neurons.

The benefits of cocoa polyphenols in preventing synapse loss and, therefore, in preserving or restoring synaptic function may provide a viable and important strategy for preserving cognitive function, the authors noted.

“There is a need for multi-disciplinary collaborative efforts involving cocoa producers, wholesalers and the biomedical community if we want to succeed in the development of cocoa extract for health benefits,” Dr Pasinetti emphasised.

Evidence suggests that certain procedures used in cocoa processing can significantly influence its polyphenol content, ultimately influencing its biological activity.
“Interestingly, two of the most common processing techniques for the chocolate we consume have been reported to result in the loss of as much as 90 percent of the polyphenols in cocoa,” Dr Pasinetti maintained.

Ongoing research will provide an unprecedented opportunity to strengthen our understanding of the beneficial roles of cocoa polyphenols and improve cocoa development and processing in order to promote healthy brain ageing and possibly prevent Alzheimer's disease, the authors concluded.

The paper was published in the Journal of Alzheimer's Disease.

A series of blasts on February 14, 1998 in Coimbatore killed 58 and injured over 200 people. Ever since that serial blasts Muslims of this town became soft targets for investigators. Muslim youth of Coimbatore have been picked up for blasts from here to Bangalore.

Mercifully the judiciary has come to their rescue but not before years lost behind bars trying to prove their innocence. Rohan Premkumar in a five-part series examines the unenviable plight of the Muslims and how their lives have been ruined after being arraigned in terror-related cases. Part 3

Familial ties run thicker than blood, and cut deeper that the blow of the policeman's lathi on exposed human flesh.

Saddam Hussain, 24-years-old and the brother-in-law of the Malleshwaram blasts accused Kichan Buhari, was acquitted of all charges of terrorism leveled against him by police in 2013.

He keeps a keen vigil on his surroundings. Prison has toughened him up and has sharpened his wits. Buhari’s two sons, identical twins aged four; skip around the family home and talk among themselves in hushed tones around the living room—a constant reminder attesting to the wasted potential of Saddam Hussain, a life lost and dreams shattered inside a prison cell.

Hussain claims he takes 15 tablets a day to stave off effects of the torture he endured at the hands of the Tamil Nadu and Karnataka police.

Hussain shows us into his living room, and joins his mother, Bashriya Begam and his two friends on a sofa. The room has clearly been tidied up before our arrival, cleansed for the benefit of those watching, soiled clothes hastily pushed aside, like how society and the state conveniently keeps in suspended animation, those it deems are “human waste,” as Hussain terms it.

In April of 2013, Hussain was arrested by police on charges of attempting to murder a man in a marriage hall. The arrest had taken place on April 7.

Ten days later, a bomb exploded near a BJP office in Malleswaram, injuring 16 people. Five days after the blasts, Hussain was produced before a Bangalore court on charges of aiding Islamic fundamentalists, Bilal Malik, ‘Police’ Fakrudeen and Panna Ismail in planning and executing the attack.

“On April 7, I was arrested by police for my involvement in an attack on a man near Podanur. Though I had no part in the attack I and 13 others were arrested for the incident,” he says. Police failed to inform the families of the 14 men arrested.

After the arrests, two of Hussain’s friends, Riyas and Rashid, were “tortured” and had their legs broken by cops, who falsely filed a report claiming that the two had been run over by a vehicle when they were crossing the road. All except Hussain and two others were released a few days later after parents of the boys pressurized police to either file charges or release them. Hussain and the two others were booked under the Goondas Act and remanded at the Salem prison.

On April 14, after the blast in Bangalore, Hussain says that he was “coerced” by Q branch police to admit to his involvement in a kidnapping case, and to also name his brother-in-law Kichen Buhari to be a co-conspirator. When he repeatedly failed to do so, and after a series of beatings, Hussain was taken to Bangalore, where he was charged with conspiring with Buhari, Panna Ismail and ‘Police’ Fakrudeen in planning the attacks.

“The facts of the case did not add up. They wanted to directly indict me and charge me with the blast. However, as I was in prison at the time, CBCID(SID) police tried to force a confession out of me claiming that Ismail and Fakrudeen had met my uncle and that I had delivered cash as well as explosives to the two men at Gandhipuram,” he said.

After seven months in custody, a Bangalore court found Hussain completely innocent. The Karnataka State Human Rights Commission ordered the state to pay a compensation of Rs. 2 lakhs to Hussain and two others for wrongful confinement.

Related

Terror Tales

By TwoCircles.net Staff Reporter,

Chicago: Renowned Islamic scholar Maulana Wahiduddin Khan is here awarded with ‘Life time achievement’ award by America’s biggest Muslim organization Islamic Society of North America (ISNA).

Maulana Wahiduddin Khan is an Islamic spiritual scholar who is well versed in both classical Islamic learning and modern science. The Center for Peace and Spirituality is established at New Delhi in 2001 by Maulana in order to cater inquisitive minds and the needs of the spiritually inclined. He and his team, ambassadors of peace, are actively involved in interfaith and peace efforts globally.

In 52nd yearly convention of ISNA organized at Chicago on September 6, 2015 Maulana was awarded with the life time award.

Azhar Azeez, President of ISNA handed over the award to Maulana and said, “The award is the recognition of Maulana’s pursuit in bringing closer different religion and to promote peace in the world”.

Maulana’s book “The age of peace’ was inaugurated during the program. Dr. Syed Saeed, Secretary of ISNA launched this book and appealed people to read and make it a point of discussion or debate.

Maulana was invited for this program by ISNA and during his visit to America; he addressed many assemblies in New York, Pennsylvania, Washington and Chicago. After accepting the award Maulana said that spirituality is the door to bring in peace. He also said people of America must be informed of the real teaching of Islam and for that purpose specific dawah programs must be held in America.

Maulana has received many awards due to his work in promoting spirituality and peace. Among others he has been awarded with the Demiurgus Peace International Award, Ambassador of Peace Award, Padam Bhushan and the Rajeev Gandhi National Sadbhavna Award.

He has also been named “Islam’s Spiritual Ambassador to the world” by the book, 500 Most Influential Muslims of 2009 of Georgetown University.

By Tanzil Asif and Sneha Dipika for TwoCircles.net

Tauquir Alam is the son of Mansoor Alam, a RJD leader and three-times MLA from Barari (Katihar) and ex-Minister in the Bihar government. Tauquir is a Congress candidate from Pranpur assembly constituency of Katihar - one of the four Seemanchal districts of Bihar. He is a deregistered Ph.D. student of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Delhi and alumnus of Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi. Alam is a product of student politics (NSUI) and unsuccessfully contested JNUSU President Election in 2007.

Tanzil Asif: You have been associated with JNU NSUI. Why has NSUI been unsuccessful in JNU till date? This time Masood Alam had contested the elections but it did not yield any fruitful result. Why is it so?

Tauquir Alam: Jawaharlal Nehru University, in the first place, is dominated by the Left. The political system is such that everyone from professors to students becomes Leftist. The Professors even teach in their political leanings. So they become Left-oriented, right from the word go. Secondly, it (Left) is a cadre-based party. Congress is a mass-based Party. They make cadres through small campaigns. They decide their electoral candidates beforehand and their campaigns are designed along those lines, throughout the year. Congress has an ideology of its own but it doesn’t go on with the same in the long run, we fail to make cadres. That is why we continuously...

Tanzil: ABVP has fared well in JNU. Why not NSUI?

Tauquir: Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad? They have their own mindset, their own base. I hope you are aware of the fact that ABVP is a wing of RSS and not BJP. You know the ideology of RSS. The descendants/followers of Nathuram Godse can be anywhere, even at JNU. They go on with a particular ideology without much success; however it managed to win a seat this time. However it appears that the winning candidate was popular and attracted votes based on his popularity. I don’t think his victory was based on ideology because that is never the case in elections there, like Sandeep Mahapatra. ABVP contests elections on the basis of the ideologies of RSS which opposes that of the Left. Congress follows Nehruvian-Gandhian philosophy but we fail to work hard (like them). The Left is so strong in JNU and we lag behind because of our own weaknesses. If we overcome our weaknesses, if we strengthen or cadre, we can easily surpass them. Ideology is a crucial factor too and Congress has an ideology of its own.

Tanzil: Let’s talk of Pranpur. Initially it seemed that you would contest elections from Barari seat, it eventually went to RJD. So did you have to compromise with Pranpur seat? You even reside in Barari. Did you prefer Barari?

Tauquir: I have been associated with JNU NSUI from my initial days, right from 2002 to 2010. I even contested the elections for the Presidential Post in 2007. Gradually, I developed interest in Youth Congress. There was a huge congregation in 2011; the Who’s Who of Congress had attended it. I worked for it. I knew then and there that I have to be a part of Youth Congress. I came to Katihar for elections. Then election for Lok Sabha Youth Congress happened. I, along with electoral candidates of the party, facilitated the membership. We contested on 6 seats and people chose us on all of them. You can say that I worked through Youth Congress in Katihar from the forefront and it is also recorded. (Interviewer interrupts)

Tanzil: A few days ago it seemed you will contest from Barari seat only?

Tauquir: That’s what I’m saying. Not only Katihar but also Patna and Aurangabad, where a Padyatra of 275 kilometres had been organised, are the places I’ve worked. My momentum was focussed on Katihar, my name was even proposed to contest Lok Sabha election there. Barari is my hometown. My father had been a minister from the very same seat. Although he is not into active politics now, he is still with RJD. So naturally, people assumed that I’ll contest the elections from Barari. I’ve worked in the entire district and I welcome the party’s decision to assign me a ticket under Katihar Lok Sabha through Youth Quota.

Tanzil: NCP is no more a part of the Grand Alliance. Tariq Anwar is an MP from Katihar. NCP will definitely field a candidate of its own in Pranpur. The vote bank of NCP and Congress is same. So don’t you think BJP will benefit from this animosity between Congress and NCP?

Tauquir: NCP doesn’t have a strong hold in Katihar. Anwar Saab is an MP due to the Grand Alliance which I think he forgot. To save face he is trying to strengthen his cadre everywhere. People might think that BJP will benefit from all of this. The entire nation is watching Bihar now where the election is actually a face-off between NDA and The Grand Alliance. Tariq Saab is definitely the MP but he has lost people’s confidence after his victory. His workers, sympathisers and activists are resigning. So, he is going to suffer the consequences of walking out of the Grand Alliance. His party stands nowhere in this NDA versus the Grand Alliance showdown.

Tanzil: A few months ago MLC election had taken place in which both the seats in Seemanchal saw BJP candidate (Dilip Jaiswal from Purnia) and BJP-backed candidate (Ashok Agarwal from Katihar) emerging victorious. At that time you had posted on Facebook asking if the votes are being transferred. So what did you actually mean? Are you united now?

Tauquir: It seems you follow me closely on Facebook. Thank you for that. At that time even I wanted to stand in the election. I was willing to go for it if the party permitted me to do so. But, NCP entered the alliance at last moment and got Katihar seat. I acted as per the wish of the party. I campaigned for the NCP Candidate. I followed the party’s orders. The results which came out post the elections raised several questions. I also wondered that we have the Grand Alliance, well and good, but is it leading to a transfer of votes. I raised questions regarding the same but I was told that it is not the case, we are very much united. This election is way different from that election. That was an election of the elected people and you are well aware of the voting process. This election is all about Nitish and Modi. We are projecting Nitish Kumar as the ‘Vikas Purush’. We aim at stopping BJP. I believe BJP doesn’t stand a chance. Had it been really strong it would have contested the elections alone. So yes the votes for Nitish, Lalu and Congress are definitely being transferred to each other. Now, we have come a long way together, with our differences aside and hearts attuned.

Tanzil: There was another post from you. When SP was threatening to leave the Grand Alliance you had posted about it on Facebook quoting Badri Narayan, a professor in JNU, that the party is doing so to increase the number of seats allotted to it but is not going to take a real step. SP has now walked out of The Grand Alliance. So do you see it as a threat?

Tauquir: SP doesn’t have a foothold in Bihar. That post was quite apt. Badri Narayan had said that the mould of Janata Pariwar which they had cast was for their personal resort and had got nothing to do with Bihar. The aim of the Grand Alliance is to stop BJP. Nitish Kumar wanted to be the CM in Bihar. Both of them had different mindsets. Janata Pariwar was projecting itself as Anti-Congress and Anti-BJP at the national level. People created confusion that they now they have left...(Interviewer interrupts)

Tanzil: But Mulayam Singh was the Mukhiya?

Tauquir: No, he wasn’t. It’s a false notion. That wasn’t Grand Alliance; it was an Alliance of his own family. It was an Alliance of Janata Pariwar. Look at Haryana. Every state has a requirement of its own. We wanted them to be together too so that we could have come on the same platform. Congress has an ideology of its own. Congress has got nothing to with Janata Pariwar. It’s good if they stand together but we have an ideology of our own which is different from theirs. We have formed the Grand Alliance under a ‘Common Minimum Programme’. Other parties could have joined us as well. Janta Pariwar could have continued with us as well. No, he wasn’t the head of the Alliance. Yes, he was the head of the Janata Pariwar. They had met Amit Shah. Before Swabhiman Rally everything was alright. Ram Kripal Yadav had attended it. After it everything changed. We won’t make much of a comment on what actually went in.

Tanzil: I talked to a few people from your constituency, Pranpur. They say you are more popular in Delhi and on Facebook but people don’t know you in the ground. So how do you plan to change that image?

Tauquir: Being the President of Youth Congress I have worked continuously in almost all over Bihar. I have conducted programmes in Pranpur and several other places. The elders, generally, aren’t very appreciative of a youth activist. They tend to ignore them. I have a strong hold in Ajamnagar. I haven’t had a proper interaction with the people of Ajamnagar (emphasizes on ‘Had’) that is why people who stay outside say that they don’t know me. But now I’m making regular visits to these places and I’m being welcomed everywhere. So, this is a false notion. Katihar is a place very close to me. Candidates who are contesting the election there are all live in Katihar (town). If people are making such statements then that is their own thinking. They might not have been able to meet us or we might not have been able to reach out to them. I believe they will be with me, will support me whenever I reach out to them. Rahul Gandhi has said that he will send young people to these places regularly.

Tanzil: Caste-based politics is very prevalent in Bihar. Surjapuri, Shershahwadi and Kohli are the prime castes in your constituency. So whose representative are you?

Tauquir: (Laughs) Caste-based politics, in the name of minority, is definitely a part of the political system here. We have strong vote bank there. People do politics through casteism. But as far as we are concerned, we base our politics on Nitish Kumar, on development, on young leaders. Caste is not that important a factor for us. We cater to people from all class, caste, background. We don’t indulge in Casteism. A Surjapuri leader will not be with Surjapuris only or a Shershahwadi will not listen to Shershahwadis only. It’s a false notion. We are talking about youth here. An educated young leader has been provided with the opportunity to serve the people under the Grand Alliance. Let’s look at the bigger purpose.

Tanzil: AIMIM is very much in the limelight. So does it make you any insecure?

Tauquir: MIM haven’t announced candidate from my constituency and I have got to know from newspapers that it’s not going to contest in my seat. Even if does, it is not going to make much of a difference. We are not going to be affected by it. The Grand Alliance is gaining momentum in the name of Nitish Kumar, Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rahul Gandhi. This is the only factor which will work in this election. It’s a direct contest between BJP and us. Others can contest too if they are at it. Personally, I don’t think any other factor is going to work out there. Wherever I go, I’m being welcomed. People are not going to incline towards AIMIM.

Tanzil: What will you do for the people of Pranpur if you win? There’s a bridge in Labha without any approach road even since 1987. So what different are you going to do which no other politician has ever done?

Tauquir: I was travelling from Chiknitola to Ramchandrapur at night. I had to go through puddles of water otherwise I would have had to take a 25 kilometre longer route. These things should have been done way back. Despite having a Vikas Purush CM it never happened. So our agenda would be to get these things done first and foremost.

Tanzil: Which Chief Minister are you talking about, Nitish Kumar or Lalu Prasad Yadav, both are with you?

Tauquir: Lalu Prasad has brought in remarkable social changes. He gave voice to the poor. It was a historical change for the whole of Bihar. He put in a lot of effort to develop Bihar which was successful to certain extent. However, things were not in favour of him due to the BJP Government. Nitish Kumar, on the other hand is being called the ‘Vikas Purush’ and is working really hard to serve the purpose. We are getting a lot of support of Mandal community. I don’t hesitate saying that. As far as approach road is concerned, I would urge the Bihar and Bengal Governments to come together to get it done in my tenure. Also there are a few bridges, roads which are not at all in the condition of being made use of. We have already taken steps to get the things started. My goal is to make it an Education Hub with the help of NGOs. I aim at coming up small scale good schools, convent schools. We’ll bring in experts from the field of education also generating employment for the youth. We also aim at catering to the needs of the farmer. The Law and Order is quite satisfactory. My crusade will be for the education and employment of the youth.

Tanzil is a student of Journalism at Indian Institute of Mass Communication, Delhi. He can be reached at @tnzl_

By Tajinder Bains

The brutal killing of a man in Bisada village in Dadri in Uttar Pradesh, not far from the Indian capital, on suspicion that he consumed beef after killing a cow was more than a murder. It was an attack on one of our most cherished values, protected by the constitution: secularism. It was an assault on the very tenets of Indianness, a value we profess to cherish.

The Indian constitution guarantees every citizen the right to practise his or her religion, without any interference of the State that is mandated to maintain its secular character.

By extension, this gives citizens the right to dress the way they like, eat what they like and observe rituals that are an integral part of his or her religion.

To force someone to eat something against his cultural ethos or to forbid someone from partaking something he may have been consuming tantamounts to interference in someone's religion.

Tomorrow, someone may declare that eating mutton and pork won't be allowed in the country.

It is fine if someone does not eat meat of a certain animal due to religious considerations. But to kill someone for his food habit is abject crimnality and should be dealt severely.

The Dadri lynching has to be viewed in the light of other incidents reported from other states. These have to be considered in totality to see how a lunatic fringe is strangling the country.

A shutdown was observed on October 9 in three towns in Jammu region to protest alleged bovine slaughter a day earlier in Chenani town, 80 km from Jammu.

Shops, educational institutions, public transport and other businesses were paralyzed in Udhampur, Reasi and Chenani towns in the wake of tension after some people found the carcasses of three bovine animals.

Though officials maintained it was a suspected case of poisoning since the carcasses did not have cut marks to denote slaughter, the protesters were unwilling to listen to the voice of reason.

Then two youths were beaten up in Uttar Pradesh's Mainpuri town the same day when they were allegedly killing a cow. Police had to rescue them from a kangaroo court.

Two BJP legislators on October 8 thrashed an independent legislator in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly for hosting a beef party. BJP's Deputy Chief Minister Nirmal Singh was forced to apologise.

The same day, around 10 days after the Dadri lunching, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, without taking any names or even alluding to the killing, urged people to follow President Pranab Mukherjee's appeal on upholding core civilisational values of diversity, tolerance and plurality.

Modi's words at an election rally in Bihar's Nawada district were, quite evidently, a bit late in the day and not clear enough.

As a prime minister who is quite eloquent and social media savvy, he should have immediately condemned the lynching of 50-year-old Mohammed Akhlaq in Dadri. At least his senior ministerial colleagues could have denounced violence over beef.

Modi's attitude made the entire episode look like a tacit conspiracy of silence.

Whenever a government maintains a studied silence over such killings, many will rightly suspect that it is condoning the illegalities.

No government in a secular democratic country can even be seen to be biased for or against any religion. It should take immediate and decisive action, before it is too late.

Will it take another Atal Bihari Vajpayee to remind the government about the need for 'Raj Dharma'? It shouldn't be the case, if we are to progress as a nation.

By Raqib Hameed Naik, TwoCircles.net

Hunderman Brok (Kargil) : A barbed wire can often represent the idea of security, but never the idea of peace. Ask Zainabi, an octogenarian woman who lives by the sight of barbed wires every day. The barbed wire in this case divides Kashmiri families along the Line of Control. Given that this border remains one of the most volatile international boundaries between two nations, Zainabi’s simple wish—of meeting her family members across the border on a regular basis--might never materialize. Not that she can do much about it, for this is a grief that binds the families on both sides of a border that has torn apart countless lives.

The 1971 India-Pakistan war gave birth to Bangladesh, but lesser known is the pain of the families living on both sides of the LOC. The families living in the Kargil-Skardu region were separated: Zainabi, from her mother, brothers and sisters who lived in Brolmo village, which became a part of Pakistan-Administered Kashmir while her Village, Hunderman Brok, was taken over by the Indian forces.

Hunderman Brok is a dusty, ordinary Himalayan village, but it occupies an important place in the region’s history. Once known as the resting ground for travelers on the historic Silk route between Kargil and Skardu, the village’s current claim to fame is less spectacular: it houses the last forward post from the J&K side on Line of Control between Pakistan and India in Kargil. The village is nine kms uphill from the main Kargil town. Most men in this village work as porters for the Indian Army, while other economic activities include animal grazing and growing Apricots.

Over the past fifty years, India and Pakistan have been playing musical chairs with this village: Indian Army wrested it from Pakistan in 1965, only to ‘return’ it to them post the Tashkent Agreement in 1966. Later in 1971 it was re-captured and retained by Indian Army. No wonder then, that residents of this village talk of a time when things were less complicated. “We used to live peacefully with our relatives who lived in Brolmo village, just four kms from our village. But the 1971 war between India and Pakistan changed everything for us and brought miseries in our life by separating our blood relatives,” recollects Zainabi as tears roll down her cheeks.

Twenty years ago, Zainabi went to Pakistan via Wagah border in Punjab to meet her relatives in Skardu. It takes little to imagine the cost of this perilous journey, for the mere sight of her relatives and to add some more memories. She knew should be unable to do the journey again. “I spent my life savings on Passport and tickets, so that I can go to Pakistan to meet my relatives. When they got site of me we all started crying and hugging each other like we were meeting after centuries of separation. But unfortunately, the happiness was short-lived as my visa was limited for some weeks.” she adds.

The Balti-speaking Brolmo village across the LOC on Pakistan side was named after a European, known as Mr Brilmin who had his villa here in the pre-partition era. Most of the relatives of Hunderman residents lived in Brolmo, but in 1971 war India wrested Hunderman and Brolmo stayed in Pakistan. Brolmo was vacated in 1999 war to house the Pakistan army and the villagers moved to Skardu for a better life.

“My sister died some years ago due to brief illness but I could not attend her funeral. The months following her funeral I used to cry every day cursing these borders,” says Zainabi while gazing out at the Indian border post on the other mountain which is visible through her window: a monotonous, silent view of barbed wires.

Zaharabi, also an octogenarian, shares the same story: she got separated from her brothers and sisters during 1971 war. All of them are presently in Gilgit area of Pakistan Administered Kashmir. Unlike Zainabi, Zahrabi couldn't save enough to visit her relatives on the other side. “After we were separated, I have never seen their faces neither I could visit them because I don’t have that much money to make a passport and spend on expenses of travel. The only thing which I can do is pray. Every day I pray to Allah to open up the Kargil - Skardu Route,” says Zahrabi.

Skardu, on the Pakistan side, is just 173 kms, or a seven-hour ride, from Kargil on the Indian Side. The Kargil-Skardu route, often called as silk route, was once significant for intra-regional trade on which the local economy depended. The all-weather road witnessed the movement of people and goods from Tibet to Central Asia through Kargil, Leh, Skardu and Gilgit for centuries.

It is not as if the divided families have not turned to their respective governments to reopen the routes so that they could meet their dear ones separated from them during the 1948 and 1971 wars. However, expectedly, both the governments have remained lackadaisical about giving a green signal to the idea.

Maqsoma, another resident of Hunderman and a newly-wedded bride, had little to celebrate during the joyous occasion. “My marriage was marked with silence as there was no relative of mine who could sing or celebrate the day. Without our families around us, we have forgotten what happiness looks like,” Maqsoma told TwoCircles.net.

Although this side of the border has been relatively peaceful, the people of Hunderman live in the fear of another war breaking out due to the frequent cross border ceasefire violations in the Jammu division. The villages have their own emergency evacuation drill: “We have identified a big cave which we used in 1999 war. That cave saved us all from getting killed. In case a war breaks out again, we all will go and hide in the cave,” says Mohammad Ali, a resident of the village.

According to an estimate, there are around 8,000 divided families across Line of Control (LOC) and Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir. The divided families have to use Wagah border to meet their loved ones, which not only costs them considerable amount of time, but also money, which they couldn’t afford. A seven hour drive from Kargil to Skardu, which would have cost a couple of hundred rupees, is transformed into challenging journey of a week through Wagah border in Punjab costing upwards of Rs 50,000.

No wonder, then, why even now, Zainabi vividly remembers every moment she spent with her relatives across the border. “Meeting our loved ones for some days and then separating again is like going through death and I am sure that this separation will be cause of my death,” Zainabi adds. For the time being, she hopes her prayers and her curses to the barbed wire might have some impact.

(All Photos by : Raqib Hameed Naik/TCN)

(TCN extends its gratitude to Non Government Organization, Ehsaas and its Secretary, Ezabir Ali for inviting us to document the pain of divided families in Hunderman, Kargil.)

By Mohamed Ajmal for TwoCircles.net

The month of Muharram, is an evidently an historical month for Muslims, and also which highlights the differences between Sunni and Shia Islam. Keeping in view the obvious one sided narrative seen in the media, it is important to know the Sunni Islam's perspective on Muharram and Ashura.

Youm-e-Ashura, or the day of Ashura, is the 10th Muharram. Its meaning is derived from the word ‘asha nura’ which is translated as ‘enlightened day’.

It is a significant date in the Islamic calendar due to many events which have occurred on this particular day, including the martyrdom of Sayyidina Imam Hussain in the battle of Karbala.

Events which Occurred on the 10th Muharram:

In Hazrat Abdul Qadir Jilani Rah in his famous book, Ghunya li-Talibi Tariq al-Haqq, writes of the following events which occurred on Youm e Ashura:

- Allah accepted the repentance of Prophet Aadam (A.S) after his exile from Paradise;
- Allah saved Prophet Nuh (A.S) and his companions in the ark;
- Allah extinguished the fire in which Prophet Ibrahim (A.S) was thrown into by Nimrod [Pharaoh];
- Allah spoke directly to Prophet Musa (A.S) and gave him the Commandments.

- On this same 10th of Muharram, Prophet Ayyub (A.S) was restored to health (from leprosy);
- Prophet Yusuf (A.S) was reunited with his father Prophet Yaqub (A.S);
- Prophet Yunus (A.S) was released from the belly of the fish;
- The sea was divided as the nation of Israel was delivered from captivity, and Pharoah’s army was destroyed.

- Ashura is also the day when Prophet Dawud (A.S) was forgiven;
- the kingdom of Prophet Sulaiman (A.S) was restored;
- Prophet Isa (A.S) (Jesus) was raised to Jannah,
- And Imam Hussain RA, grandson of the Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam , achieved the honour of Martyrdom at Karbala.

Voluntary [Nafl] Worship on Youm-e-Ashura:

Nafl Namaaz:

Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam said, "That person who performs four Rakaats of Namaz on the day of Ashura by reciting Surah Ikhlaas 11 times after Surah Fatiha in every Rakaat, Almighty Allah will forgive fifty years of his sins, and he will blessed with a Mimbar (pulpit) of Noor (Light)." - Nuzhat Al-Majalis Wa Muntakhab Al-Nafa'is - Vol.1, Pg. 181

Fasting:

Abi Qatadah RA reports that Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam said, "On the day of Ashura, I hope that Almighty Allah will make this day a means of Kafaara [expiation] for past sins." - Mishkat Shareef, Pg. 179

"The best fasting after Ramadan is the month of Allah - Muharram, and the best prayer after the obligatory prayer is prayer at night." - Sahih Muslim Hadith # 1163

In the year 10 A.H.,Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam kept the fast of Ashura with the Noble Companions, who enquired, "Surely, this is also the day which is honoured by the Jews and Christians." The Holy Prophet replied, "If I am alive next year, then I shall also fast on the 9th of Muharram [as well as the 10th]." But, Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam passed away before that. - Mishkat Shareef, Pg. 179.

Thus, the Muslims worship is kept distinguished and separate from the ways of the non-Muslims. It is for this reason that we should not only fast on the 10th, but also on the 9th of Muharram-ul-Haraam.

Other Virtuous Acts:

One who stays awake on the night of Ashura [10th Muharram] gains the Sawaab [spiritual Reward] of the Angels. -Tafseer Ruhul Bayaan.

The following various deeds for Ashura are mentioned in Ghunya li-Talibi Tariq al-Haqq, by Hazrath Abdul Qadir Jilani Rah :

- Whoever fasts on this day is like one who fasts all his life.
- Whoever clothes a naked person Allah will release him from a painful punishment.
- He who visits a sick person, Allah will grant him a reward that will not be decreased.
- Whoever places his hand on an orphan’s head, or feeds a hungry person or gives water to a thirsty man, Allah will feed him a feast from Paradise and will quench his thirst with Salsabil (a wine that does not intoxicate).
- And whoever takes a bath on this day will enjoy excellent health and freedom from sickness and indolence.
- Whoever provides generously for his family on this day, Allah will be generous to him throughout this year.
- And whoever applies Kuhl to his eyes will never suffer from eye-sore again.

Expressing Grief on Ashura

With regards to the question which is regularly posed, “is it a act of jahiliyyah to cry over Hussain ra death” or the rhetoric “you need not be a shia to cry over Hussain” - it has to be clarified how Sunni Islam sees this.

It is permissible to express sorrow and grief on Ashura in a silent or controlled manner, upon remembrance of the events of Karbala and the sacrifice made by our beloved Imam Hussain RA.

However, it is not permissible to express grief in the manner used by Shias, which is to beat themselves in such a disturbing manner that blood flows from their bodies while they wail and cry loudly, also known as ‘Matam’. These “matam” practices have no historical precedence, in early Islam, when did the Sahabah or the Salaf go around beating themselves on their backs, bleeding?

Imam Malik ra, was right when he said, "And whatsoever was not part of the religion then, is not part of the religion today" al-I'tisaam

When the “son” of Prophet Muhamamd sal, Ibrahim died, but the Sahabah or even the Prophet sal didnt do maatam over it.

During the time of the Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him), a solar eclipse happened. People hurried to link this to a worldly event, namely, the death of the Prophet’s son, Ibrahim. The Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him) explained the truth of this matter to them.

He praised Allah and lauded Him and said, “The sun and the moon are two signs of Allah; they are not eclipsed on account of anyone's death or on account of anyone's birth. So when you see them, glorify and supplicate Allah, observe the Prayer, give alms. O Ummah of Muhammad, none is more indignant than Allah when His servant or maid commits fornication. O people of Muhammad, by Allah, if you knew what I know, you would weep much and laugh little. O Allah, witness, I informed them.” (Al-Bukhari)

Morever, Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam said,“He is not from our group who slaps his cheeks, tears his clothes and cries in the manner of the people of Jahiliyyah (pre-Islamic ignorance)."- Sahih Bukhari

How unfortunate that we are seeing people doing exactly, what Prophet Muhammad sal prohibited. With Youm e Ashura at our doorsteps, this is a gentle reminder for us to fast the two days of Youm e Ashura on the 9th and 10th of Muharram 1436 AH. One can also fast on the 10th and 11th of Muharram.

Please let all Muslim brothers and sisters in your contacts know about this, so they too, can fast on the two days of Muharram (9th and 10th or 10th and 11th) as instructed to us by Rasul Allah Sallallaahu Alaihiwa Sallam and Earn Abundant Sawaab from Allah Subhaanuwa Tha'aala.

Edited and compiled from various sources including www.sunnah.org

(Passionate about Islam, politics and issues connected to the welfare of Muslims, Dr Ajmal is a Medical Practitioner and after obtaining Diploma in Islamic Banking and Finance, he started the firm WealthCity (www.wealthcity.in), which advices on Islamic Investments for Indian Muslims. He expresses his views through his fb page https://www.facebook.com/Dr.Md.Ajmal )

By Preetha Nair

New Delhi: Famed author Vikram Seth says that he would return his award, if the Sahitya Akademi fails to protect the lives and rights of writers.

"I will return the award almost certainly if this institution fails to protect or robustly defend free speech or lives of writers. I didn't want it to sound like a threat. However, I fully expect this institution do something worthy of their name and history," Seth told IANS after the launch of his book, 'The Summer Requiem' here on Tuesday night.

The Akademi is slated to meet on October 23. If Seth does return his award, he will join a growing list of writers and academicians who have returned their award in protest against what they said was growing intolerance against writers and free thinkers.

The Padma Shri awardee has been trolled on Twitter on his support for those who had returned their awards. He said he would join the list of award returnees if the Akademi remains mealy-mouthed on freedom of expression. The author received the Akademi award in 1988 for his novel 'The Golden Gate'.

Earlier, participating in a discussion with David Davidar of Aleph publishing, Seth hailed the decision of many writers to return their Akademi awards, saying that it was not a concerted action.

"I don't think writers returning award is a concerted action. It's not easy to return awards and I would call it as a courageous act. The award is a mark of recognition that you receive in your rather isolated professional life," he said.

Seth also expressed anguish over Akademi's mute response to the killing of writer M M Kalburgi and two more rationalists. "I heard that when poet Keki N Daruwalla wrote to the Akademi after the killing of writer M M Kalburgi, he only got a telephone call saying that there was pressure," he said adding that Akademi has to stand up for writers.

"Pressure? Pressure not to say that the murder of Kalburgi or Pansare was wrong? Pressure not to speak out against or attempt to gag people who speak their minds? What kind of pressure is this?" Seth asked.

Seth said that he hasn't spoken to other writers on the issue, but was waiting for the outcome of the October 23 meeting.

"I haven't spoken to others but there might be people who think in that state. All bets are off that an institution which behaves like that is perhaps not something we have to accept awards from," Seth said.

Seth had faced barbs in social media over receiving awards from ex-Union minister Jagdish Tytler in 2005. Seth said he was unaware that he was to accept award from the Congress leader, who was allegedly involved in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots.

"When I realised that Pravasi Bharatiya Samman is going to be given by Jagdish Tytler, I consulted my parents. They said that if I don't accept, it will be an insult to the nation. So I went ahead," Seth said.

However, he had refrained from shaking hands with Tytler as a protest. "I told my parents that under no circumstances, I would shake hands with him. I loathe what happened in 1984 and not only at the time of riots. Even the entire election campaign, which followed it, was nasty," Seth said.

The author, known for his works like 'A Suitable Boy' and 'Equal Music', read a couple of poems during the launch. 'A Suitable Girl', a sequel to 'A Suitable Boy' is scheduled to be published next year.

The launch of 'The Summer Requiem', held at Taj Mahal hotel, coincided with Seth's mother Leila Seth's 85th birthday.

By Nivedita Khandekar

Nagpur (Maharashtra): Hemlata Sontakke, 60, was too young to remember the epoch making event she had attended with her family in 1956. But that has not stopped her from remembering it every single day of her life as it was indeed a life-changing experience for lakhs of those who attended the ceremonial Dhamma Deeksha that day.

On the Dussehra day that year – October 14, 1956 – one-year-old Hemlata and her entire family had joined hundreds and thousands of others to accept Dhamma Deeksha (converting to Buddhism) led by the architect of the Indian Constitution and Dalit stalwart Dalit leader Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The day since has been known as ‘Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din’.
The vast ground that was witness to the momentous occasion was named as Deeksha Bhoomi and several years later, a massive stupa, on the lines of famous Sanchi Stupa – was constructed as a memorial, which now occupies a pride of place here.

Hemlata, originally from Nagpur, shifted to Aurangabad after marriage. But every time she comes to Nagpur, a visit to Deeksha Bhoomi is a must. Clutching photos of Dr Ambedkar and Gautam Buddha in her hands, the retired government school teacher said: “I am happy and proud that although very young, I was present there. It is hard to explain the impact of this event on our lives. Dr Ambedkar showed us the light, the path of knowledge.”

Visiting the Deeksha Bhoomi on the eve of Dussehra, Wednesday, October 21, 2015, her face bathed in joy, she said, it is more than a ritual to visit this place. “This is a pilgrim place, something that brings peace for all.”

Hemlata Sontakke clearly is not the only one to believe this if the surging crowds are any proof.

Deeksha Bhoomi

Deeksha Bhoomi is spread over almost four acres. Dr Ambedkar Smarak Samiti constituted after the mass leader’s death had decided to build a stupa as a memorial for the mass conversion ceremony. The construction of the main stupa continued for several years due to various issues but it was finally completed and inaugurated in December 2001. The monument is almost 120 feet high and the stupa dome too has 120 feet diameter. The dome is hollow, covering a large circular hall of over 4,000 sq feet. At the centre of it is a beautiful Buddha statue. This premises also has one of the original copies of the Indian Constitution. Dr Ambedkar was the chairman of the committee that drafted the Constitution.

On the stupa’s four sides are gates with horses, elephants and lions along with the Ashok Chakra. Right outside the stupa are statues of Dr Ambedkar and Gautam Buddha. There is a Buddha Vihara and a Bodhi tree (banyan tree / sacred fig), transplanted with branches of a tree from Sri Lanka.

Over the years, the managers have brought about positive changes vis-à-vis crowd management and public amenities.

Buddha / Dhamma followers

On Wednesday when this reporter visited, Deeksha Bhoomi is slowly getting packed with people a day ahead of Dussehra day. Even as blaring loud speakers make one public announcement after another, scores of shops continue to play songs devoted to Ambedkar and Buddha, ‘Buddham Sharanam Gachchami, Dhammam Sharanam Gachchami’ being the most common chant in many of them.

Stalls are lined up along the foot path - stalls selling eatables, tea, some distributing food for free, medical first aid, police help booths, book stalls and water distribution to name a few.Local municipal body has deployed its people for ensuring sanitation and cleanliness. Mobile toilets and temporary public taps too line up all major roads leading to the huge grounds from all sides.

A gunny sack on their head, a cloth bag clutched under their shoulders or carrying a shiny bag pack, men, women and children walk in and out of the boundary of Deeksha Bhoomi, secured with bamboo barricades manned by police personnel, both male and female in ample numbers, for crowd management.

Sonu Dhande, a class 10 student, is one of the pilgrim who has come all the way from Motegaon village in Washim district of Maharashtra. Dhande family has come to Nagpur with 100-odd people from about 30 families, all Ambedkar followers, from the same village. Son of a farmer, Sonu has been coming to Deeksha Bhoomi for last four years. His grandfather Narayan Prakash Dhande had visited Deeksha Bhoomi for the first time in 1992.

“My grandfather taught me … my morning starts with Ambedkar and Gautam Buddha vandana. Then the whole day is spent well,” the young lad said adding, “It was Ambedkar who taught us – shika va sanghateet wha (Educate and Unite).” It was perhaps this thought that percolated through the second generation in his family. His farmer father is not much educated but Sonu’s eldest brother is pursuing engineering degree while his sister and another brother are pursuing medical degrees (MBBS).

Education was one of the highlights of Ambedkar’s message for his dalit brethren. An entire generation of those converted along with him – called as neo-Buddhists – was exposed to a new thought ‘education can liberate’. For scores of them tormented for various reasons earlier, life and lifestyle changed because of education.

“’Shist and Sanraskshan’ (discipline and security in unity) is what we all learnt from Dr Ambedkar,” said Mujmule Suresh Nagorao, a BA III year student, who also runs a garage at Ukhale Budruk village in tehsil Sonape, district Parbhani. His family had converted to Buddism in 1956 itself but in their own village and not at Deeksha Bhoomi.

But it is not just families such as Dhandes and Nagoraos that visit Deeksha Bhoomi. Earlier, visitors/pilgrims included Ambedkar followers who came mostly from Vidarbha and Marathwada in Maharashtra. But over the years, devout/followers/believers have been coming from across India and abroad – from Tamil Nadu in south to Bihar in north; from Sri Lanka to sometimes even from Japan.

Bhante Sanghbodh and Bodhi Sheelpriya, from Bodh Gaya in Bihar, have been coming for 15 years to Deeksha Bhoomi on Dussehra day. “Buddhism teaches compassion. No wonder more and more people are attracted to this religion,” the monks said referring to almost 10,000-odd people who had taken dhamma deeksha on Tuesday and an equal number or more are set to accept Buddhism on Dussehra day on Thursday.“Not just Hindus, followers of Islam, Christianity and Sikhism too convert to Buddhism,” Bhante Sanghbodh said.

The two monks took deeksha at Deeksha Bhoomi long years ago and were later ordained in the Bhikkhu order at the same place. Affiliated with the All India Bhikkhu Sangha, the monks are also impressed with and proud of the fact that there is huge discipline among the followers despite about 15-lakh odd crowd on the main event day and give credit to the teachings of Buddha for the phenomenon.

Political pilgrims

The place is also offers a good platform for a political pilgrimage for those scouting for dalit votes. The venue sees a grand function each year with almost all leaders from Republican parties attending/addressing the gathering of few lakhs. Almost all years the state’s chief minister too makes it a point to attend the function on the Dussehra day.

In recent times, it was Mayawati, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo, who made a political pilgrimage to this place. The dalit politics had turned a tide when Mayawatibecame the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. In 2006, speaking on the Dussehra day from this august premises, she vowed to embrace Buddhism when she becomes Prime Minister. Needless to add, subsequent assembly polls have seen her party gaining strong grounds across dalit strongholds in Maharashtra.

Shift from Dussehra to October 14

The place has seen phenomenal increase in number of people visiting before and on the Dussehra day. Although there has been no official record keeping – which is simply impossible as people/devotees throng from all directions and in such large numbers that is not possible to gate keep each one of them – authorities have estimated that average attendance from two days ahead of Dussehra and on the Dussehra day is about 15 lakh.

Numbers have been increasing over the decades but there is a marked difference in terms of spread of visitors. Unlike earlier years, say till 1990s, people thronged the place for almost eight days in the run up to Dusshera and stayed put rendering several restrictions on the movement of Nagpurians and their vehicles. Now, it is mostly a two-day affair ahead of Dussehra day, which of course continues to draw massive crowds.

Two changes have been observed over last decade, especially since 2001 when the memorial stupa was thrown open for public. One is, scores of families and groups of friends make a bee line to Deeksha Bhoomi almost round the year, preferring to visit the place on working day/lesser crowded days rather than facing the hassles on Dussehra day.

But second reason, which is more significant politically too, is since last year (2014), government of Maharashtra has declared October 14 as a public holiday. It has been a long standing demand of some of the Ambedkarites to observe October 14 as the actual anniversary of mass conversion and not Dussehra day, which would mean following a calendar of Hindu religion, which Dr Ambedkar forsake for adopting Buddism.

Now, people start visiting Deeksha Bhoomi since October14 and continue till Dussehra day, spreading out the intensity and lessening the burden on three days in the run up to Dussehra. It is easier not just for visiting pilgrims but also for the administration to manage relatively lesser people over more number of days rather than a bomb of a people on just two days.

The place is already popular among Dalits, Ambedkarites and Buddhists from other states and even the Maharashtra government has been trying to put this on tourism map.

But tourism or not, it will continue to attract Dalits and Buddha followers. Thousands of them accept dhamma deeksha coinciding with the anniversary of the day of Dr Ambedkar’s conversion. But unlike his conversion – which was a political event that brought about a paradigm change for Dalits and changed the contours of India’s politics vis-à-vis caste - these conversions are not accorded high significance by political pundits and it remains as a routine news in the city supplement of local newspapers.

It will make an interesting wait for the big news … if dalit politics – and by extension Indian political scenario – sees another change again if and when Mayawati converts?

All Photos by Nivedita Khandekar

Nivedita Khandekar is an independent journalist based in Delhi. She writes on environmental, developmental and social issues. She can be reached at nivedita_him@rediffmail.com or follow her on Twitter at @nivedita_Him

सिद्धांत मोहन, TwoCircles.net

वाराणसी:भोलानाथ बनारस में रहते हैं. कबीर के मोहल्ले कबीरचौरा स्थित मंडलीय चिकित्सालय के मुर्दाघर के पास भोलानाथ और उनके सहयोगियों से दिन के किसी भी वक़्त मिला जा सकता है. भोलानाथ मुर्दा लाशों को ढोते और उनका क्रियाकर्म करते हैं. उनके साथ उनके दो सहयोगी नानक और कौशल हैं. एक ऑटो चालक बलराम यादव भी हैं जो उन्हें मुर्दाघर से लेकर घटनास्थल, फिर पोस्टमार्टम हाउस और आखिर में श्मशान तक का सफ़र करते हैं.

सत्तर साल के भोलानाथ पिछले चालीस सालों से इस काम को कर रहे हैं. बनारस के प्रसिद्द काशी विश्वनाथ मंदिर के बगल में ज्ञानवापी मस्जिद है. यहीं से कुछ चालीस साल पहले भोलानाथ के काम की शुरुआत हुई. अपनी शुरुआत के बारे में भोला बताते हैं, ‘मेरी अस्पताल से सटी हुई पान की दुकान थी. यहीं पर बैठता था, लोगों की मरहम-पट्टी में कभी मदद भी कर दिया करता था. उसी वक़्त ज्ञानवापी के पास एक वॉच टावर से एक दरोगा जी नीचे गिर गए. पुलिस उनको यहान अस्पताल लेकर आई लेकिन लाते-लाते उनकी मौत हो गयी थी.’ भोला आगे बताते हैं, ‘उनकी लाश को सील करना था. यह कानूनी प्रक्रिया होती है. उनके लिए लाया गया कफ़न बाकायदे उन पर अट नहीं रहा था तो लाश भी सील नहीं हो पा रही थी. मुझे किसी ने बताया कि लाश सील नहीं हो पा रही है, मैं देखने गया तो मैंने हाथ लगाया. देखते ही देखते उनकी लाश उतने ही कफ़न से सील कर दी. बस वही पहला दिन था, जिस दिन मैंने इस काम में हाथ लगाया था.’

इसके बाद से भोलानाथ का काम बढ़ता गया. पुलिस अक्सर अस्पताल आने वाली लाशों की सीलबंदी के लिए भोला को याद करने लगी. सीलबंदी से शुरू हुआ काम आगे बढ़कर घटनास्थल पर जाकर लाशों को लाने, उनका पोस्टमार्टम करवाने और उनका अंतिम संस्कार करने तक पहुंच गया. भोलानाथ बताते हैं कि एक बार कुछ लोगों ने उन्हें पीट दिया था तो एक टूटे पैर के साथ उन्होंने लाशें ढोईं थीं. अपने काम के बारे में विस्तार से जानकारी देते हुए भोला कहते हैं, ‘मान लीजिए कि आपके यहां कोई घटना हो गयी या आपको कहीं लावारिस लाश मिली, तो आप पुलिस को फोन करते हैं. पुलिस हमको फोन करती है. हमलोग घटनास्थल पर पहुंचते हैं. लावारिस या वारिस जैसा भी लाश हो, उसे सील करते हैं, पोस्टमार्टम हाउस तक ट्राली या ऑटो से ढोते हैं. उसका पोस्टमार्टम करवाते हैं फिर दाह-संस्कार के लिए श्मशान घाट ले जाते हैं.’ भोला बताते हैं, ‘हम लाश को पीठ पर लादेंगे, हाथ में लेंगे, रिक्शे-ठेले-ट्राली पर लादेंगे लेकिन काम पूरा करेंगे. बीच में नहीं छोड़ेंगे. यदि बाढ़ की वजह से अंतिम संस्कार नहीं हो पता तो गंगा में प्रवाहित कर देंगे लेकिन पूरा काम करके ही लौटेंगे.’

लेकिन जैसा प्रशासन के साथ मिलकर काम करने की प्रक्रिया से होता है, इस काम में पैसे जितने हैं वे बेहद कम हैं. पुलिस को लावारिस लाशों के दाह संस्कार के लिए 1500 रूपए प्रति लाश का बजट दिया जाता है. लेकिन भोला और उनके सहयोगियों को इस बात का पता ही नहीं है. पुलिस उन्हें 100-200 रूपए देती है, बलराम को ऑटो का भाड़ा दे देती है और कहती है कि यह पैसे पुलिस ने अपनी जेब से दिए हैं. इसके साथ देसी शराब की पावभर की चार शीशीयां भी दी जाती हैं. इसके अलावा इनके पास कमाई का कोई भी दूसरा ज़रिया नहीं है.

शराब की प्रासंगिकता के बारे में भोला कहते हैं, ‘पांच दिन-दस दिन की सड़ी हुई लाश हम बिना शराब के निकाल ही नहीं सकते. लोग खड़े होते हैं तो उन्हें उबकाई आ जाती है, फिर हमें तो उस लाश के साथ दिन भर रहना होता है.’

अपने काम के चलन को लेकर भोलानाथ में कोई शर्म नहीं है. भोला बताते हैं, ‘जब काम शुरू हुआ था तो रोज़ 6-8 लाशें मिल जाती थीं. कमाई भी हो जाती थी. अब ज़माना बदल गया है, लोग ज्यादा पढने-लिखने लगे हैं. कानून से डरते भी हैं. अब एक हफ्ते में तीन-चार लाशें मिल जाएं तो भी बहुत है. इन्हीं लाशों के ज़रिए जो कमाई हो पाती है, वही कमाई हम चार लोग आपस में बराबर-बराबर बांट लेते हैं.’ भोला अक्सर उन्हीं मृतकों के रखवाले बनते हैं, जिनकी मौत या तो किसी हादसे की वजह से हुई हो या हत्या-आत्महत्या सरीखा मामला हो. भोला और उनके साथ के लोगों के पास दो तरह के मामले आते हैं, एक तो उन लोगों का जिन्हें कोई जानने-पहचानने वाला नहीं होता, और दूसरे उन लोगों का जिनके दोस्त-यार या एकाध परिजन मौजूद होते हैं.

आय के बारे में और स्पष्ट तरीके से बताते हुए भोला कहते हैं, ‘यदि लाश लावारिस है, तो कोई बात नहीं है. हम पहले से मान लेते हैं कि इसमें कोई कमाई नहीं होने वाली. लेकिन एकाध लाश किसी ऐसे की मिल गयी जिसे कोई जानता-पहचानता हो, तो अधिकतम हज़ार रूपए तक की कमाई हो जाती है. ये हज़ार रूपए भी हम आपस में बांट लेते हैं.’

इनके वाजिब आर्थिक हिस्से के बारे में प्रशासन भी अपेक्षित जवाब देता है. ज़ाहिर है कि प्रशासन क्यों स्वीकार करेगा कि इन्हें इनके हक़ से कम पैसे दिए जा रहे हैं. इन्हें पैसे देते समय न कोई लिखा-पढ़ी होती है न ही कोई दस्तख़त-अंगूठा निशानी.

इन्हें बस जेब से पैसे निकालकर पकड़ा दिए जाते हैं. यानी यह तय है कि सरकारी महकमा इस खर्च को मनचाहे तरीके से दर्ज करता होगा.

मृतकों के इस पूरे कर्म का असल खर्च अप्रत्याशित है. भोला बताते हैं, ‘एक लाश पर मजदूरी, भाड़ा, जलाने का खर्च मिलाकर दो हजार रुपयों से भी अधिक हो जाता है. हम यह नहीं कहते हैं कि पैसा हमारे जेब से जाता है लेकिन इस काम में खर्च इतना है कि पैसा जेब में ही नहीं जा पाता. अब बिजली से लाश जलाई जाने लगी हैं तो खर्च ककम हो गया है नहीं तो पहले लकड़ी खरीदने में ही 1200 रुपयों से भी अधिक पैसे लग जाते थे.’ भोला के सहयोगी नानक बताते हैं, ‘अब कुछ संस्थाएं आगे आ गयी हैं. उनके पास पैसा होता है तो घाट पर पैसा नहीं देना पड़ता लेकिन फिर भी काम हम ही लोग करते हैं.’

सरकार से कहने के लिए भोला के पास बस इतना ही है कि सरकार रोज़ कुछ ऐसा इन्तिज़ाम करे जिससे उन्हें रोज़ की रोटी के लिए न रोना पड़े. भोला कहते हैं, ‘काम ऐसा है कि हम यह भी नहीं कह सकते कि हमारी रोज़ ज़रुरत पड़े. कौन चाहेगा कि कोई न कोई रोज़ मरे. अक्सर ऐसा होता है कि मुर्दाघर 6-7 दिनों तक बंद रहता है, यानी उस दौरान कमाई बंद.’ भोला आगे कहते हैं, ‘हम सरकार का ही काम करते हैं लेकिन कोई ठिकाना नहीं है. हम कुँए, कीचड, नाले, नदी, जले-टूटे हर जगह से तो लाश निकालते हैं, सरकार इतना भी नहीं कर सकती. हमें भत्ता और सुविधा न मिले लेकिन कम से कम इतना तो हो हमारे पीछे हमारे बच्चे-पोते भूखे न मरें.’

भोलानाथ सवर्ण जाति के हैं. लेकिन वे यह छिपाते फिरते हैं. वे कहते हैं कि बनारस में ऐसा माहौल नहीं आया है कि आप यह साब बात किसी को बता दें तो आपकी वाहवाही होगी. उलटे लोग आपको दौड़ाकर पीटने लगेंगे, बदनामी होगी अलग से.
हिन्दू धर्म में मौत से भी एक अलग किस्म की विराटता उपजती है. यह तेरह दिनों तक चलने वाला ऐसा जश्न है, जहां ‘जश्न’ का अर्थ परम्परागत नहीं होता. यदि आप बनारस जैसे आदिकालीन शहर के निवासी हैं, तो यहां मृत्यु को ही एक बड़ी उपलब्धि के तौर पर देखा जाता है. सुनी-सुनाई बात ही है कि यदि किसी ने यहां के घाटों पर दाह-संस्कार होते देख लिया तो जीवन भर के लिए मृत्यु से उसका डर ख़त्म हो जाता है. भारतीय परिदृश्य में जो चीज़ इतनी ज्यादा व्यापक और ज़रूरी हो, उससे जुड़े लोग और उसे अंजाम देने में लगे हुए लोग उतनी ही व्यापकता से अछूत माने जाते हैं.

समाज के प्रति अपनी जिम्मेदारी का बोध भोलानाथ जैसे लोगों को है. जातियों का जो समीकरण भारत में है, उसे देखते हुए एकदम मुमकिन था कि भोला कहीं भी अपनी जाति के दम पर कोई भी मक़ाम हासिल कर सकते थे. लेकिन भोलानाथ अछूत हैं, साथ ही उनकी पूरी कंपनी भी.

शायद यह कोई पहला दस्तावेज़ है जहां भोलानाथ का नाम और उनका काम लिखा जा रहा है. पुलिस के पास कोई अभिलेख नहीं कि भोलानाथ, नानक और कौशल नाम के तीन आदमी यह काम करते हैं. कल एक भारी लाश उठाते वक़्त कोई हादसा हो जाए तो कहीं कोई नहीं परेशान होगा. संभव है कि कहीं रिपोर्ट भी न दर्ज हो. समाज को भोलानाथ एंड कंपनी का ऋणी रहना चाहिए. इस खबर के लिए भोलानाथ को खोजने पर उसका पता बताने वाले हर आदमी ने कहा कि पागल है साला! उससे क्या मिलेंगे? लेकिन मिलकर लगा कि समाज के लिए अच्छा काम करने वाले लोग ज़रूरी नही कि एक आदर्श व्यक्तित्व के हों लेकिन ज़रूरी यह कि वे जो भी हों, जैसे भी हों, अपने समूचे कद के साथ लोगों के बीच बने रहें और अपनी पहचान न खोएं.

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By Natalia Ningthoujam

New Delhi: He has never had a "direct experience" in India, but wants to visit the country, which has an "interesting relationship" with his native Britain. Oscar-winning filmmaker James Marsh says he would love to visit India some day to find a story.

Marsh has creatively used films as a medium to tell stories of renowned people, including theoretical physicist Stephen Hawking.

"The Theory of Everything" director even won an Oscar for helming "Man on Wire"– a documentary based on the French high-wire artist Philippe Petit.

He says he is yet to get a taste of India, but would love to come here for story hunting.

"It's a fascinating country. I would love to go to India to find a story to tell. It will be great," Marsh told IANS in a telephone interview from London.

While that can still wait, he is currently happy that a wide Indian audience will get to watch "The Theory of Everything", which hit the Indian screens earlier this year, on Star Movies Select HD on Saturday.

Asked about the importance of the film's TV premiere in India, he said: "I didn't have any direct experience in India, but I imagine it's a way by which the film will be seen by more people than in cinemas. So, it's a very important place to find an audience. We are very happy about it and want to support in the best way we can."

He hopes the Indian audience like the small screen premiere of "The Theory of Everything, which narrates the story of Hawking, who falls in love with a fellow Cambridge student Jane and how a once healthy, active young man, Hawking receives an earth-shattering diagnosis of Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, a form of motor neuron disease at 21 years of.

"Any audience is important to me because that's why you make a film in the first place. You hope to make a film that will cross national and cultural boundaries. In this case, the story of Stephen Hawking is universal. We can relate to the complications of that relationship...when one of them is disabled and the other has to do so much for her
husband.

"Emotions can be universal and we have a very interesting relationship between Britain and India... that's part of the colonial legacy. Many people speak in English in India...So, it should work for the Indian audience," he said.

Going by his work, Marsh seems to enjoy making biopics.

"The script had an interesting point of view of his wife. It was not about his scientific achievements. It's about his marriage. It's an emotional story and not a scientific one. It's a story about a very complicated relationship. It's about his wife as much as him which I think is interesting," he said.

His next feature film is also a biopic. Based on the late British personality Donald Crowhurst, the upcoming biopic will present the story of the amateur yachtsman's desperate attempt to win the first round of the Golden Globe Yacht Race in 1968.

"We are putting it together. It will release next year. Work is in progress. It's an interesting true story and Colin Firth as the main character has given a great performance. I am optimistic the film is going to work," said the filmmaker, who believes that it’s a “delicate business to make biographical films of people who are alive”.

New Delhi: Veteran M.S. Sathyu, Hindustani classical singer Ashwini Bhide Deshpande, Kathak dancer Uma Dogra and playwright Asgar Wajahat were among the luminaries conferred the Sangeet Natak Akademi awards and fellowships for 2014 by President Pranab Mukherjee on Friday.

Deshpande, flautist Ronu Majumdar, and tabla player Nayan Ghosh, were among the nine who received the award for their contribution to music, while dancers of various forms including Dogra, Sudhakar Sahoo (Odissi), Arayambath Janardanan (Bharatanatyam) were presented with the awards, at the grand Durbar Hall of the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

Wajahat, theatre actors Ramdas Kamat, and Deb Sankar Halder were some of the awardees for their contribution to theatre, while playwright Akshara K.V. and Indudhar Nirody were awarded for their overall contribution in the performing arts.

Sathyu, musicians Vijay Kumar Kichlu, Tulsidas Vasant Borkar, and S.R. Janakiraman were awarded with the Sangeet Natak Akademi fellowship.

These awards were conferred at a time when scores of writers and artists returned their state awards, to condemn the attacks on writers, pointing to "growing intolerance".

Theatre artist Maya Krishna Rao returned her Sangeet Natak Akademi award last week over this issue.

पटना से सिद्धांत मोहन, TwoCircles.net

बिहार की चुनावी बयार में यह ज़ाहिर होता जा रहा है कि सत्ता के इस संग्राम में लाख चुनावी पैंतरे अपना लिए जाएं लेकिन बिहार के अधिकतर मतदाता दो फांकों में बंटे हुए हैं.

एक तरफ जहां मतदाता नीतीश कुमार के विकास कार्यों की तारीफ़ करते नहीं थक रहे हैं वहीं दूसरा धड़ा बिहार में एक ‘नयापन’ या ‘बदलाव’ लाने के लिए प्रयासरत है. इन सबके बीच एक बड़ा हिस्सा वह भी है जो हर स्थिति में नीतीश कुमार से सहमत है लेकिन नीतीश का राजद प्रमुख लालू प्रसाद यादव के साथ जाना उन्हें रास नहीं आ रहा है, इसलिए वे नीतीश कुमार का साथ छोड़ भाजपा का दामन पकड़ने के लिए तैयार हैं.

भुजी हुई नमकीन चीज़ों की दूकान लगाने वालीं शीला देवी कहती हैं कि नीतीश ने बहुत विकास किया है. यह पूछने पर कि लालू के साथ जाकर क्या नीतीश ने गलती की, शीला कहती हैं, ‘बिलकुल नहीं, हमें तो लगता है कि सही किए.’ विकास के मुद्दे अकसर व्यक्तिगत लाभ पर आकर टिक जाते हैं, व्यक्तिगत राय के बारे में पूछने पर शीला देवी कहती हैं, ‘हमें विधवा पेंशन मिला. पेंशन नीतीश कुमार की ही बदौलत है.’शीला देवी ठीक गांधी मैदान के पास मिलती हैं, लेकिन विडम्बना यह है कि उन समेत अन्य कई भाजपा के नाम पर सिर्फ नरेंद्र मोदी को जानते हैं, किसी प्रादेशिक नेता को नहीं.

गांधी मैदान के पास स्थित अपना बाज़ार की किताब मंडी में कोई किताब खरीदने आईं सरिता जैन गृहणी हैं और प्रतियोगी परीक्षाओं की तैयारी भी करती हैं. सरिता का कहना है, ‘नीतीश कुमार बहुत काम कराए हैं. पटना हम लोगों के लिए सुरक्षित है.’ लालू यादव के साथ के प्रश्न पर सरिता कहती हैं, ‘दोनों का साथ बहुत बढ़िया है. इस गठबंधन से कहीं कोई परेशानी नहीं है.’

रिक्शा चलाने वाले मोहम्मद बशीर कहते हैं, ‘हम लोगों को डर है कि भाजपा आएगी तो वही सब अराजकता और हिंसा फैलेगी. नीतीश कुमार लालू के साथ जाकर कुछ भी गलत नहीं किए, क्या गलत किए? इतना सब सड़क बन गया है और बिजली रहती है, कोई गलत तो है नहीं. अब उनके ऊपर किसी और को क्यों चुनें?’ किताब के दुकानदार शेखू खान भी लगभग यही दलील देते हैं. उनका कहना है, ‘नीतीश कुमार के आने से माहौल भी सही हुआ है और एग्रीकल्चर में भी बदलाव हुआ है. राहत-सहायता के कार्यक्रमों में भी सुधार हुआ है. इसलिए लगता है कि नीतीश कुमार को आना चाहिए.’ लालू और नीतीश के साथ पर शेखू रोचक बात कहते हैं, ‘देखिए! लालू यादव ने तो गरीबों के लिए काम किए लेकिन आगे चलकर जो नहीं कर पाए उन कामों को नीतीश कुमार ने सम्हाला. एक तरह से सारा टेंडर तो लालू यादव ने पास किया लेकिन काम पूरा किया नीतीश कुमार ने. अब दोनों मिल जाएंगे तो बढ़िया ही होगा.’

चुनावी मौसम में अल्पसंख्यकों और दलितों की मर्जी पर सबसे बड़ा सट्टा लगता है. बिहार जैसे प्रदेश में यह देखना रोचक है कि दलित और अल्पसंख्यक दोनों ही परम्परागत तरीकों से हटकर अपने मताधिकार का भविष्य तय कर रहे हैं. दलित और अल्पसंख्यक दोनों ही इस हिसाब से चुनाव में हिस्सा नहीं ले रहे कि उनका कुनबा या जाति किस ओर जा रहे हैं. ऑटोरिक्शा चलाने वाले दिलीप महतो बदलाव का बहाना लेकर भाजपा को लाना चाहते हैं. तो दूसरी पढ़ाई कर रहे मोहम्मद जुनैद का पक्ष साफ़ है कि नीतीश कुमार ने काम तो किया है लेकिन बदलाव के लिए नए आदमी को लाना चाहिए. ज़ुनैद से पूछने पर भाजपा को दक्षिणपंथी दल के रूप में गिना जाता है तो क्या ऐसी संभावना नहीं है कि क्या भाजपा हमेशा की तरह अराजकता की ओर नहीं बढ़ सकती? इस पर जुनैद का जवाब है, ‘यह चुनाव के पहले की बात है. चुनाव के बाद ऐसा कुछ नहीं होगा.’यानी ज़ुनैद की बात से यह साफ़ है कि भले ही वह परिवर्तन चाहते हों लेकिन देश में दिनोंदिन बढ़ते जा रहे अराजकता के माहौल से उन्हें कोई इनकार नहीं है.

मुश्किल है नीतीश के प्रभाव को मिटा पाना -

यहां सबसे मजेदार बात यह देखने को मिल रही है कि बिहार में भाजपा ने अपने अलावा एनडीए के सभी घटक दलों और उनके नेताओं को हाशिए पर धकेल दिया है. कोई भी मतदाता जीतनराम मांझी या उनके हिन्दुस्तानी आवाम मोर्चा, रामविलास पासवान या उनकी लोक जनशक्ति पार्टी या किसी भी अन्य पार्टी के बारे न जानकारी रखता है न बात करता है. लेकिन महागठबंधन के बारे में ऐसा नहीं है, लोग भले ही लोकसभा चुनाव में दुर्गत देखने के बाद कांग्रेस को ज्यादा तवज्जो न दे रहे हों लेकिन महागठबंधन के अन्य घटक दलों और उनके नेताओं की जानकारी पूरी तरह से बिहार के मतदाताओं की ज़ुबान पर है.

दरअसल यह हाल कमोबेश पटना में मिले हरेक मतदाता है. यहां किसी भी बयानबाजी की आड़ में नीतीश कुमार के विकास कार्यों को नकारा नहीं जा सकता है, लेकिन थोड़ी-थोड़ी उगती एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी के प्रभाव को भी नकारा नहीं जा सकता है. लोग परिवर्तन ज़रूर चाहते हैं लेकिन यह भी लाजमी है कि वे इस परिवर्तन के साइड-इफेक्ट्स को भी नहीं नकार पा रहे हैं. लेकिन यह भी एक तथ्य बनता है कि यह एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी गुजरात जैसे प्रदेश में क्यों नहीं लागू होती?

यह तो तय है कि अब ‘विकास’ को सिर्फ नरेंद्र मोदी ही नहीं परिभाषित कर सकते हैं. नीतीश कुमार कहीं ज्यादा गैर-प्रचाराना ढंग से बिहार में विकास की गाड़ी को आगे बढ़ा रहे हैं. भाजपा विकास के मुद्दे पर बिहार में किसी नयी बहस को जन्म दे सकती है, गुंडाराज के बारे महिलाएं और लड़कियां तक ज्यादा मुखर तरीके से दावे कर रही हैं कि पिछले दस सालों में बिहार उनके लिए और भी ज्यादा सुरक्षित हुआ है, ले-देकर भ्रष्टाचार ही एक मुद्दा बचता है, जिसमें बीते एक साल के अन्दर भाजपा उतनी डूब चुकी है, जितने नीतीश कुमार पर आरोप भी नहीं लगे हैं. इन परिस्थितियों में भाजपा की बिहारी दाल गलने में समय लगेगा और ज़ाहिर है कि आंच के लिए किसी अच्छी लकड़ी की ज़रुरत होगी.

By Zaidul Haque, TwoCircles.net

Kolkata : He travels more than 150 kms a day to earn Rs 2,000 per month, working in a social organization. He has almost hit the age of retirement. But for the 58-year-old Abdar Rahman, all this is worth it. The journey and the meagre earnings may break the back of even young people, but for Rahman, all this effort is worth it: it helps him run an orphanage for Muslim children free of cost in his village. His dream? A simple one at that: to use the money for the education of the orphaned children. No wonder that villagers call him Yatim Baba (father of Orphans) for his sacrifice to the orphanage.

Rahman lives in a remote village of Korapara in North 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. Over years, having been a witness to how many children drop out from school, and being a farmer’s son, he realized his helplessness. Hence, the idea of starting an orphanage called Sevashray’ where at least 10 children from different districts of the state stay and study in a school called `Swapno Bikash Shishu Academy’ which is established inside the orphanage.

Rahman inherited a small piece of land from his father Wazed Ali for cultivation and maintaining the family. However, Rahman sold some of it and bought valuable land on the Haroa-Bashirhat road to make a orphanage. Now, within 40 decimal of land, he started the trust Brati Social Welfare Organisation to run the orphanage and the school.

“My intention was to help the needy villagers on any possible occasion. When I was studying in Malatipur High School, I took patients from the village to Kolkata for medical treatment, often paying for the expenses from my pocket,” says Rahman. Although he dropped out of education during his pre-university days, his zeal to promote education has never faltered.

The next step for Rahman is to expand the orphanage, so that they can accommodate at least 100 people. He bears the entire cost and would like to do more, but due to financial weakness he could not effort more students..

Not only Rahman, his higher-secondary educated wife Manwara Begum, working in a Sishu Sikhsha Kendra under the Sarva Siksha Abhiyan program, also spends time and money in the orphanage. In the orphanage, Rahman recruited three teachers who are handicapped and are post graduates. He said the orphanage school now teaches up to the fourth standard.

Rahman also said parent-less children often end up being separated from the mainstream of our society. He hopes that through his orphanage, the children build proper character through childhood and achieve modern education. .

Rahman, who works at GD charitable Society in their scholarship department for the poor Muslim students, said working here helped him make some contacts and get inspired by eminent Muslims. He plans to teach spoken English and convert the orphanage school to an English Medium school. Since he lost his agricultural land in the process of building the orphanage, he is now hoping that other members of the community too come forward to help the orphans.

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By Brajendra Nath Singh

Dhamdaha (Purnia) : Shambhu Bhagat (48) of Haldibari village in Dhamdaha was emotional while recounting the murder of his father and grandfather in bloody caste wars during the closing years of the previous century and later.

After his father, Ganga Prasad Bhagat, was killed in 2000 Shambhu left his village with his wife and two sons, shifting to Janakinagar of Banmankhi in Purnia, about 20 kilometres away, where he runs a small hardware shop.

"I had 5.5 bigha of land for cultivation, which was our bread and butter. But it was also taken over in the caste war. For the last 15 years I am fighting the case with no result yet. I decided to shift to Janakinagar for sake of my next generation," Shambhu told IANS.

Shambhu is not the only one to have left his village. There are thousands like him in Dhamdaha itself, though it's no longer an election issue here. For the victims, though, it is an issue that remains uppermost in their minds, even while voting.

Dhamdaha has become a hot seat. Social Welfare minister in Nitish Kumar government, Leshi Singh (41) is seeking votes for a third term. She's the wife of Butan Singh, who had formed a Rajput militia called North Liberation Army (NLA) and was killed in the caste war.

The NDA has fielded Rashtriya Lok Samata Party's first timer, Shiv Shankar Thakur (60), against her. Former RJD legislature, Dilip Kumar Yadav (52) has also jumped into the fray as Pappu Yadav's Jan Adhikar Party's candidate, making it a triangular contest.

In seat sharing arrangement among the Grand Alliance of JD (U), RJD and Congress, the Dhamdaha constituency went to JD-U, which angered Dilip Kumar Yadav.

In 1995, Yadav had won this seat for the first time as Janata Dal candidate defeating Madhusudan Singh, an independent candidate. In the next election he contested as Rashtriaya Janata Dal candidate but lost. Subsequently, he lost to Leshi Singh defeated him.

Yet, in 2005 he was able to defeat Leshi Singh, who won back the Assembly seat in a mid-term poll eight months later.

In 2010, Leshi Singh defeated Irshad Ahmed Khan of Congress and became a minister in the JD-U-led government.

A largely agrarian area, Dhamdaha farmers feel cheated.

"Farmers of the area are in pathetic condition as there is hardly any support from the government. In April, when a storm came, our crops were completely damaged and still we are waiting for compensation, says Chutkun Jha (80) of Dakshin Tola who left a government job in 1968 to save his land.

"No one cares for us. Elections have come so everybody will come now for vote but after winning they would not even come to say thanks,says Mohd. Tahir, who said he was fed up with politicians.

According to another farmer, Ram Narayan Mandal, "Only caste and money matters in Dhamdaha during election.

Dhamdaha, has 2.8 lakh voters witha a mixed population of Yadav, Brahmin and Muslims in similar proportions.

By Sanu George

Thiruvananthapuram : Saji Thomas is 45 years old from Kerala and, while God did not give him the faculties of speech and hearing, he was given the talent of a different kind: after five years of effort he has built a small aircraft - all on his own - but now yearns for a full-time job.

His wife Maria said that they have been married for 14 years and right from the time they became husband and wife, all that she saw was her husband busy tinkering with small motors and machines she didn't have a clue about.

"Initially I tried my best to dissuade him to get work as an electrician, but when I found all my efforts were in vain, I decided to support him in all his endeavours. Today the entire village (near Thodupuzha in Idukki district) is steadfastly behind him as he built a twinseater ultralight aircraft, which has been filmed by the Discovery Channel," Maria told IANS.

Saji has studied only till class 7 and has always been hooked on to electrical gadgets and their repairs.

"The first thing he built was the frame of an helicopter. He got in touch with (former prime minister) Rajiv Gandhi, seeking money to buy an engine for it. It did not materialise because Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated (In May 1991). Then his interest shifted to building an aircraft and after five years of hard work, he fitted the small aircraft with the engine of a two-wheeler. Later it was given to a college nearby and they still use it to teach their students," Maria explained.

She said he then began work on this now successful two-seater and sourced all the materials from Bangalore.

"After a marathon five years of work, last year in April, it was taken to a private airline academy in Ambasamudram near Madurai. Since this aircraft has no licence nor does Saji have a licence to fly aircraft, he could fly it for a few minutes there. Later the chief instructor, a retired air force officer, also flew it for a few minutes. The aircraft flew only at a height of 20 feet as the rules are very strict," added Maria.

Today the couple is still hoping that the government will support Saji, who has performed this engineering marvel sans any qualifications.

"We see the present programme of Discovery Channel which has filmed his efforts as an eye-opener and it is expected to be aired soon. Our only wish is my husband gets a job, a stable monthly job as by now he has sold a portion of our land to complete this aircraft. We do not have a proper house even and we live in a small two-room home which was built with the help of the local village council in 2001," said Maria.

The couple has a 13-year-old son, Joshua, who is now the main support technician.

"For this aircraft we spent Rs.13 lakh and it was completed only after we sold a portion of our land. In all, Saji has spent Rs.25 lakh for his expensive hobby in the past more than 15 years. Now, we wish the authorities support him with a stable job. He 'says' to me he wishes he gets a job, so there is a stable income as he has proved his mettle. We wish the authorities are watching and hearing us," said Maria, her voice breaking down.